20. Whoever is afraid of submitting any question, civil or religious, to the test of free discussion, is more in love with his own opinion than with truth.-207.

21. Without some effectual stop being put to the increasing influence of the executive, over the legislative part of the Constitution, the liberty of Britain must expire as that of Rome did. The forms of the Constitution will remain,-its substance will exist no more.222.

22. He who examines only one side of a question, and gives his judgment, gives it improperly, though he may be on the right side. But he who examines both sides, and after his examination gives his assent to neither, may surely be pardoned this suspension of judg ment, for it is safer to continue in doubt than to decide amiss.-227.

23. Every man should contribute his due proportion to the maintenance of the ministers of religion, (for no State can subsist without some religion); and a Christian State should allow a co-establishment of the different sects of Christians, that each individual might have an opportunity of frequenting his own place of worship, without being burdened by any additional payment to his own minister, exclusive of what he paid to the minister established by the State.— 245.

24. The revenue raised by the authority of the State from all its subjects, for the express purpose of instructing all in religion, is unjustly expended in instructing a small part of the whole.-251.

25. Every man ought to obey, not government, but his conscience, in his mode of worshipping God.

26. When numbers of men obstruct the regular course of law, and overpower the ordinary officers of justice, it is right to introduce and to use, as long as the necessity of the case requires it, extraordinary

ones.

No. VI.

EVIDENCE TO PROVE THAT THE CELEBRATED AIR, CALLED GRAMMACHREE MOLLY," WAS COMPOSED IN SCOTLAND.

By the Right Hon. Sir John Sinclair.

From the very style of the music, there is every reason to believe that this celebrated air was composed in Scotland; for it possesses all that tenderness and simplicity, by which the Scottish songs are so peculiarly distinguished. That point, however, seems now to be established beyond the possibility of doubt, by the evidence that was given by a very old man, John Macdonald, who was born near Kingsburgh, in the isle of Skye, in the year 1726, and who, on the 20th of December 1819, was about ninety-three years of age, when he gave the following evidence: John Macdonald remembers, when he was about twelve years old, having learnt that air, which in Gaelic is called "Mhalic Cheag og," from a native of Breadalbane, who went about singing songs; and he recollects distinctly having heard that air sung by him an. 1738. The tune, he was informed, was owing to the following incident:

During King William's wars on the Continent, soon after the Revolution, it was usual, at the end of the campaign, for both armies to retire into winter quarters; and numbers, both of the men and the officers, got leave of absence to go home to see their friends. Among others who availed themselves of this privilege was a young Highland officer, whose relations lived in the upper parts of Perthshire. He visited about in that district, and entertained his friends by talking about the battles in which he had fought, and the wonderful events he had witnessed; and he every where met with the most cordial reception. He was at last invited to the house of a gentleman, who had an only daughter, whose beauty was the universal theme of admiration. He there recorded his martial feats, which made an impression on the young lady; which the gallant soldier soon perceived, and he contrived to settle a plan with her, for their eloping together at midnight. They got off unperceived; and having travelled several miles, they at last came to an inn, where they thought they might refresh themselves in safety. The enraged father, however, as soon as he had discovered his daughter's flight, assembled his men, and pursued them with such speed and eagerness, that he overtook them soon after they got into the inn. The lover, though he had no

body to support him, yet was determined not to yield up his mistress; and being well armed, and an excellent swordsman, he resolved to resist any attack made upon him. When the party pursuing entered the inn, his mistress ran for protection behind him; and when he was defending himself and her with his sword, which was a very heavy one, and loaded with what is called a steel-apple, (in Gaelic" Vaghal an a chlaibh)*, in preparing for giving a deadly stroke, the point of his sword accidentally struck his mistress, then behind him, so violent a blow, that she instantly expired at his feet.

Upon seeing what had happened, he immediately surrendered himself, saying, “That he did not wish to live, his earthly treasure being gone." When in prison, he composed both the air and the words; and the dreadful scene he had just witnessed, and of which he was the sole cause, would naturally call forth, in an ardent mind, the most melancholy effusions of music and of poetry. He was executed the next day.

These events happened a number of years before John Macdonald first heard the air sung in the isle of Skye, which was in the year 1738. They are said to have taken place in the wars after the Revolution; and this circumstance is alluded to in the well-known line," Will you go to Flanders my Molly, O?"

This account was drawn up by the Right Honourable Sir John Sinclair, Bart. from the evidence given by the said aged man, John Macdonald, in George Street, Edinburgh, on the 20th of December 1819.

No. VII.

In looking over some old papers, I found the subjoined. It gives a curious account of a most interesting political event, and seems to have been drawn up by a person who was well acquainted with the transactions to which it relates. There may be some mistakes in it; but in the main, it is probably true.

The steel-apple was a piece of steel, that ran on a wheel from the hilt to the top, and gave great additional force to the stroke when it came down to the point. John Macdonald, many years ago, saw one of these swords at Lord Macdonald's house at Mugstedt. The circumstance of the steel-apple is a strong proof of the authenticity of the story, as it must have greatly added to the weight of the blow given by the sword, and consequently accounts for the fatal catastrophe.

BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH PRODUCED THE OVERTHROW OF MR PITT'S ADMINISTRATION, IN MARCH 1801.

It is well known that Mr Pitt had completely failed in effecting a union with Ireland, the first time he attempted to carry through that measure, and had quarrelled with Mr Foster the Speaker, Sir John Parnell, and several of the leading men of business in that country, which rendered the success of a second attempt extremely doubtful. Considering, however, his honour implicated in it, and having been accused of rashness in making, or timidity in relinquishing the attempt, he determined to accomplish it, cost what it would, and not to hesitate about the terms, provided he could carry his point. Hence, in addition to the most profuse, varied, and extensive system of corruption ever heard of, he was induced to agree, that the members for Ireland should be increased, from 60, (the number originally intended,) to 100. The representations of his old friends, the Yorkshire manufacturers, were treated with little ceremony or respect;—and at last it was found necessary, to hold out hopes of emancipation to the Catholics, though no positive pledge was given to them.

It is much disputed, whether this understanding with the Catholics, was known to the King, or to the Cabinet in general; but Mr Pitt, Lord Cornwallis, and Lord Castlereagh, considered themselves so far pledged to it, and the measure in itself so necessary for the preservation of Ireland, that Mr Pitt insisted, that a recommendation to that effect should be inserted in his Majesty's first speech to the Imperial Parliament. To this the King would not agree; and the disputes about it, occasioned that delay in the assembling of the two Houses, at the commencement of the present session, which seemed so unaccountable.

There was, at the same time, a great jealousy among the Irish statesmen, for the patronage of their own country. Lord Clare and Mr Beresford wanted to get rid of Lord Castlereagh, who, they found, had more influence with Mr Pitt than they had; and being accustomed to intrigues, they contrived, through the medium of the Archbishop of Canterbury, (Lord Auckland's brother-in-law), and others, to blow up the flame. Their object was, partly to shake Lord Castlereagh's power, and partly to get rid of the Catholic emancipation, which they considered to be a dangerous measure. These intrigues, also, were much aided by Lord Liverpool, in hopes that it would bring forward his favourite son, Lord Hawkesbury. Mr Pitt, therefore, found a much greater resistance to his proposal of emancipation than he had at all anticipated; and being unaccustomed to

have any favourite measure thwarted or controlled, he thought, that the best mode of obtaining his object would be, to threaten to give in his resignation, little dreaming that it would ever be accepted of. The King, however, had made it a matter of conscience to resist the measure, and had even canvassed several members of both Houses to oppose it in Parliament, that he might not be under the disagreeable necessity of giving it the royal negative, which he had resolved on, if the bill had passed both Houses. In vain Mr Secretary Dundas endeavoured to convince him, that it was not contrary to his coronation oath. His answer was, "that he wanted none of his Scotch sophistry, and that it was better for him to change his ministers, than his religion." Other causes may have contributed to sour the King's mind, and to sow dissensions in the Cabinet; but had it not been for the Catholic question, they would never have gone to any great extremity.

Mr Pitt and his friends had deceived themselves with an opinion, that the King would never be able to form an administration, without either them, or the opposition, who were as much pledged to the Catholic emancipation as themselves; and they were pretty sure, that he could not bear the idea, of bringing Mr Charles Fox into power. But his Majesty had seen, of late, a good deal of Mr Henry Addington; and having formed a very high opinion both of his character and talents, he sent for him to Buckingham-House, with a view, as Mr Pitt and Mr Addington supposed, that the latter might act as a mediator to reconcile all differences; but to Mr Addington's utter astonishment, his Majesty positively insisted on his accepting the office of Prime Minister, an offer which at first he certainly declined, and at last reluctantly agreed to, only under this condition, that the plan, when communicated to Mr Pitt, should meet with his concurrence and support. This Mr Pitt was obliged to promise, though, it is said, with a very bad grace, as the proposal was entirely unlooked for. Trusting, however, that the matter might yet be made up, or that some accident might still happen, favourable to his remaining in office, he suggested the propriety of his opening the budget, and carrying through the tax bills, previous to his resignation; and as he had prepared all the steps necessary for that purpose, and as it was not a very agreeable business to undertake, Mr Addington very readily agreed to it.

The unexpected illness of the King had nearly accomplished what Mr Pitt had really aimed at by the delay; and a regency was at one time in contemplation, in which he was to have held a very conspicuous place; but the King's complete recovery put an end to all