abroad, or to the menaces of kings at home, that any country has ever boasted. But if that great object, patronage, the hope of which has thus concentered all these excellencies in the British Senate, were taken away;—if the situation of Prime Minister were no longer worthy to attract the eye of the ardent, or the hope of the intelligent,-that arena, in which all the vigour of early talents, and the judgment of riper years delight to meet, would soon become a mere assembly of tame and listless spectators, who, as in times long past, would expect to be paid by their constituents, for attending to register the dictates of the Sovereign *.

6. The pleasure of being a public benefactor.-This is an object to which the attention of political men is not in general sufficiently directed. Yet there are not wanting instances of persons who have devoted themselves to promote the public good, and to benefit their country. But how can so laudable a desire be generally felt, as long as the great majority of politicians are at the same time party men, who do not view even national prosperity with much delight, unless they and their own friends derive some credit from it; and who rarely deplore national adversity with sincerity of feeling, if it tends to throw a slur on the conduct of their political opponents; and far less, if it is likely to be the means of driving them from power? Such are the mischievous effects of party spirit, when carried to an extreme.

Great danger is likely to accrue to this country whenever the Ministers of the Crown are distinguished more for brilliant oratory, than for solid talents, or extensive information; in which case they would be better calculated for making a figure in the arena of the House of Commons, than for managing the complicated concerns of an extensive empire.

• Comm. Economy by the Rev. William Cockburn, 1819, chap. 3. p. 27, 30.

The inferiority of a mere eloquent speaker, for the government of a great country, is most ably pointed out, and philosophically accounted for, by the celebrated Dugald Stewart, in the following comparison he has drawn between an orator and a statesman:

"Argumentative address is but of little value, compared to other endowments subservient to our intellectual improvement. Promptness of reply, and dogmatism of decision, which mark the eager and practised disputant, are almost infallible symptoms of a limited capacity, and of a mind deficient in solid understanding. That species of understanding, when cultivated by study, and directed to great objects or pursuits, produces an unprejudiced, comprehensive, and efficient mind; and where it is wanting, though we may occasionally find a more than ordinary share of quickness and of information; a plausibility and brilliancy of discourse; and that passive susceptibility of polish from the commerce of the world, which is so often united with imposing but secondary talents, we may rest assured, that there exists a total incompetency for enlarged views, and sagacious combinations, either in the researches of science, or in the conduct of affairs *"

It has been justly remarked by the same distinguished philosopher, that those who have acquired a talent for business are not formed for conducting, with success, the affairs of a country, in new and untried situations, which require extensive views, and a vigorous and comprehensive genius. Burke has well observed, "That men, too much conversant in office, are rarely minds of remarkable enlargement. Their habits of office are apt to give them a turn to think the substance of business not to be much more important than the forms in which it is conducted. These forms are adapted to ordinary occasions; and, therefore, persons who are nurtured in office, do admirably well, as long as things go on in their

• Stewart's Elements, chap. 3. sect. 2. vol. ii. P. 298.

common order; but when the high roads are broken up, and the waters out, when a new and troubled scene is opened, and the file affords no precedent, then it is that a greater knowledge of mankind, and a far more extensive comprehension of things is requisite, than ever office gave, or than office can ever give."

Men of general views possess a natural superiority over the common drudges in business, whose ideas are minute and circumscribed. Besides, when the situations they hold are important, men of the most general views are found not to be inferior to the vulgar in their attention to details; because the objects and occurrences which such situations present, rouse their passions, and interest their curiosity, from the magnitude of the consequences to which they lead.

When theoretical knowledge and practical skill are happily combined in the same person, the intellectual power of man appears in its full perfection, and fits him equally to conduct, with a masterly hand, the details of ordinary business, and to contend successfully with the untried difficulties of new and hazardous situations. In the former, mere experience may frequently be a sufficient guide; but in the latter, experience and speculation must be combined. pert men," says Lord Bacon, "can execute and judge of particulars one by one; but the general counsels, and the plots, and the marshalling of affairs, come best from those that are learned *."

"Ex

The influence of the Crown, or of the Minister, has long been the theme of reprobation; but most unjustly; for without such influence, the business of the public could not be carried on. In a mixed Government like ours, such a reasonable extent of patronage as may enable a Minister to resist that natural inclination to opposition, which all men feel towards those above them, and that constant love of change, which is frequently impressed upon weak minds, cannot be

• Stewart's Elements, vol. i. chap. 4. sect. 8. p. 229. and 234.

safely dispensed with. It is certainly much to be lamented, that the management of the two Houses is so difficult, that it must principally engross the attention of a Minister; and hence he often becomes more anxious to obtain a few votes in Parliament, than to secure the successful result of any foreign negociation, however important. Nor has he sufficient leisure, to consider those great objects of internal improvement, which ought chiefly to engage his attention. It cannot indeed be questioned, that the constitution of Great Britain is too complicated, and the empire too extensive, to be governed so well as it ought to be. The wonder is, that we have reached the height of power we have done, with the numerous obstacles to our advancement, with which we have had to contend.

I shall now proceed to lay before the reader letters from some of the most eminent Statesmen who have shared in the government of this country for the last fifty years, with such remarks as may occur, regarding their character and conduct.

I.

LORD NORTH.

THE minister who held the reins of government when I first entered into public life in 1780, was Lord North, who, after his father's death, became Earl of Guilford. He had an animated spirit in a sluggish frame; and there was a constant struggle which of the two should predominate. He was an excellent leader of a party in the House of Commons; and indeed by many, and, in particular, by his great rival Mr Fox, was considered the most accomplished speaker that had ever sat in Parliament. In questions of finance he was clear, explicit, and accurate. He never weakened his argument, (when he was in the right), by superfluous, though ingenious declamation, but spoke to the point with force, precision, and perspicuity. He had wit at command, of which he made great use in his speeches in Parliament; but he took no pleasure in business unconnected with the domestic interests of the country. He was indeed so much tormented with the difficulties arising from the American war, that he often lamented the success with which Columbus had accomplished his voyage to America, contending, that Europe would have gone on much better without that discovery. On the whole, though a very able man, and a skilful financier, yet he had not activity enough to preside over an extensive empire, such as Great Britain had become previous to his being intrusted with its government. The American war was considered by him merely as a secondary object; and no judicious steps were taken, either to prevent it from taking place at all, or to carry it on, after it had become inevitable, with that energy which alone could give it any chance of success.