All I want, is, that you ftate to me the reasons. You did fo when you called for the augmentation of the navy, and you had it; but do rot alk any thing to carry on the war abroad, under the mark of defending us at home; for, in that cafe, you are afking, under a falfe title, what, under a real one, the people of this country would not grant to you; for, I know, they will grant to you to prevent an invafion at home what they would refufe with indignation, if asked to carry on the war abroad.' But, fir, it feems we are to have the refponfibility of minifters for the due application of the grant which they now call for. Look at the extent to which the principle of voting fach extraordinary measures as this, upon the idea of refponfibility, may lead you. By it you will introduce a practice that must deprive the people of all their rights, and all their property: if it fhould turn out (not an extravagant hypothefis) that all this story about an invafion is a mere pretence to gain the confent of the people to the measure now propofed, and that the real object is extremely different: what then will become of the boafted refponfibility of minifters? how are we to make them refpofible? We may fay, and fay truly, that, the event has proved there was no danger of an invafion when this meafure was adopted. To which the minifters may anfwer, and be affured they will, True, there was no invafion, bat then it was owing to the very meafures which we propofed, and you adopted, that the invafion was prevented.' How, then, are we to make minifters refponfible for what they do under fuch a measure as this? The idea of refponfibility,

Be

in fuch a cafe, is perfectly ridiculous. Why, fir, at this rate, you may go on, and do every thing that the minifter may afk you, until you have totally destroyed the conftitution; the principles have already been too much invaded by the measures of the prefent minifters. There are fome inconveniences that neceflarily arife out of a free conftitution. I know that many authors, of great eminence, have pointed out thofe inconveniences. I do not deny it, although I have never feen them in fo ftrong a light as the authors I allude to fay they did; but the advantages refulting from a free conftitution are fo great, fo numerous, and, to me, fo clear, that I cannot patiently argue upon them, when they are put in a scale against the fuppofed advantages of a contrary form. that as it may, in the opinion of others, I fay, you cannot argue that fubject in this houfe; for the people of this country have made their election: they have chofen a free government, and it is your duty to preferve it, with all its inconveniences, if there be any that are worth mentioning. If, therefore, when minifters pretend an alarm, you are to give them whatever power they may atk for, when it is impoffible you can attach any refponfibility to them, as I have proved already in this cafe you cannot, why then, you defert the point on which the people of the country have already made their election; and, inftead of the bleflings which your ancestors intended for you, you take what may appear to you, but what never appeared to me, the advantages of defpotifm. This would be a fraud upon the people of this country. I know the elo-*

quence

quence that has often been employed to fhew, or attempting to fhew, by a flourishing antithefis, that we poffefs all the advantages of a free government, and thofe of a defpotic monarchy, by poffeffing the wifdom which arifes from a free difcuffion of the reprefentatives of the people, and the promptitude and difpatch of an unlimited monarchy. Such an antithefis may anfwer the purpofe of an ingenius orator, and aid him in the courfe of a florid declamation; but it can avail but little to any man who wishes for the fafety of our conftitution. I am of opinion, that our conftitution, in its true fpirit, cannot mix with any thing defpotic. Have recourse to experience, the only unerring guide; read the hiftory of this country, and then fhew me, out of what page it is that you have difcovered how, and when it was, that the maxims of a free government have been united with the principles of def potifm. I know it cannot be done: I know, alfo, that if you attend to hiftory, and take it as a leflon, you will return to your ancient diftruft and jealoufy of minifters, whoever they may be, and that you will examine minutely into their conduct: reflect on the confequences of the contrary practice, you fee now before you the effect of it. Confidence in the first inftance renders confidence necessary in the second. Confidence, in minifters, induces them to take measures which they cannot continue without farther confidence; they are obliged to call for it in their own defence: in that career you may proceed until you have confided away the whole fpirit of our conftitution. I am afraid you have advanced in

that career much too far already. In my opinion, the fpirit of the conftitution has been almoft entirely fet at reft, for a time, by the meafures of the last parliament: let it be the practice, for it is the duty, of the prefent to revive it.

We are told, that the military force, which is now proposed to be raifed, is only to act in cafe of emergency; what is that to be? what are the circumftances in which it may be fuppofed to exift? when the French fhall land upon our coaft? No fuch thing: I know that such a restriction cannot ard ought not to be impofed on executive government; becaufe, you fhould repel the danger when you are threatened by it. The cafe of emergency, then, will amount to this, that, whenever minifters fhall think fit to allege there is danger, the whole of this military power, to be intrufted to them for the internal defence of this country, will be fubjected to military law, and intirely at their difpofal. What fecurity have we, that no abuse will take place, refpecting the applica tion of this enormous force? I do not know what ministers may have refpecting the intention of the French to attempt an invasion of this country. I believe, the French have no fuch intention, for they have a government which is likely to be much better informed of the difpofition of the people, and the fituation of this country, than to be led to any hopes of fuccefs in fuch an attempt; therefore, I believe, they will not be guilty of the weakness to make it. If they should harbour fuch defperate intentions, I have no doubt of the iffue. My hopes and confidence on that fubject are as fanguine as those of any

other

was purfued? In 1794, when voluntary offers of fervice were introduced, for the defence of the country, this mode was represented as repugnant to the conftitution. And now, when men are called on to contribute their property, and perfonal fervice to the defence of their country, it is difcovered to be unjuft and ftigmatized as requifition. He admits the neceflity of precaution, and yet reprobated every preventive measure that was propofed: and, while he agreed that it is neceflary to provide for the defence of the ftate, he is diffatisfied with the means by which fecurity is to be obtained.

Mr. Fox, in reply to Mr. Pitt's argument, in proof of the inconfiftency between his declarations and his conduct, obferved, that though he did not oppofe his vote to the prefent refolution, he did not give his unqualified affent to the meafures propofed. This was by no means the ftage in which members were called on, (and this was remarked even by Mr. Pitt himself, this very night, when he propofed his refolutions) to give their fentiments fully on the questions before them.

Sir William Pultney did not expect that any difference of opinion would have arifen on the prefent question; a queftion, in his mind, that embraced fo many falutary objects. He had only one objection to it, and that was, its being a half measure; it ought to be extended to the full point; and on that ground he should meet the wishes of the minifter with double pleasure. He fhould not apply to minifters

for any additional information on the fubject. It was evident that the French had an invafion of this country in view, and it therefore became the executive government to make every proper and neceflary preparation.

As this force was to be commanded by country gentlemen, it could not be called an increase of the power of the crown on the contrary, he fhould confider it to be an increase of the power of the country against the crown. We should not wait until an invafion was actually to take place. Muft not time be given for men to be prepared and difciplined? or, were they to march against an invading enemy, without the means of defence, or ignorant of the uíes of thofe arms they might chance to have about them?

The refolutions proposed by Mr. Pitt, refpecting the augmentation of our militia and naval force were agreed to, and being thrown into the form of bills, were, after various objections and anfwers, and not a few alterations, amendments, and explanations, paffed into laws, in the month of December. Early in June, a bill was brought into the houfe of commons, by the fecretary of ftate, Mr. Dundas, for raifing and embodying a militia in Scotland. As to the game-keepers bill, which formed at firft a part of the cavalry-bill, ftrong objections having been made by Mr. Sheridan, and others, to its unconftitutional principles and dangerous tendency, it was, on the fecond of December, withdrawn, on the fecond reading.

CHAP.

HE ancient hiftorians of the two principal nations of antiquity, at leaft of thofe with whom we are at all tolerably acquainted, fo charming and inftructive, by their attention to whatever is fitted to engage attention, and intereft the human heart, have generally left us in the dark about the annual fupplies. Their heroes, indeed, performed great exploits; but of the ways and means by which they raifed, embodied, and fupported their armies, we do not find in their works any regular or fatisfactory account: fo that the leaders of ancient expedition, have the appearance, in our imagination, of fallying forth without fcrip or purfe, like the adventurers in the ancient romances.

The progrefs of fociety; the extended theatres, and multiplied objects of war, with new methods of preparing, combining, and applying force, have rendered military operations at fea and land fo complicated and expenfive, that the intelligent reader of modern times is not more curious to know the fortune, and fate of armies, and navies, when raifed, than to be made acquainted with the pecuniary

refources, by which they are fupported: in a delineation, therefore, of great affairs, the paffions and views of fovereign princes, the movements of armies, and the revo lutions of flates and kingdoms, it becomes indifpenfibly neceflary for the modern hiftorian, or annalift, to give fome account of revenue, finance, and commerce: à fubject, however, into which we fhall not enter more than is abfolutely me

cellary. We fhall confine ourselves to general refults, it being impoffible to infufe any degree of intereft into minute arithmetical details, or to render them to moft men other than tedious, dry, and difgufting.

The houfe of commons, having on the twentieth of October, 1796, refolved itself into a committee of fupply, the fecretary-at-war moved that the efiimates, prefented on a former day, fhould now be taken into confideration. Though the whole of the estimates, on account of official delays, were not yet ready for infpection, that portion of them, which he held in his hand, would afford every information, in point of fact, that could come before them.

The