CABINET CABAL; CONGRESS SUMMONED. France should refuse to receive a *Hamilton's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. vi., pp. 213-225, 229, 234, 238-243; John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 510 and vol. viii., pp. 535-543; Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 362. 331 Jefferson or Madison.* Wolcott wrote that, if Hamilton insisted on a mission, "either nothing will be done, or your opinion will prevail."† But he would not consent that either Jefferson or Madison should be a member of the embassy. When a complete report was received from Pinckney, Adams, believing that immediate action should be taken, issued a proclamation on March 25, convening Congress in extra session May 15, 1797. On May 16, after Congress had assembled, he delivered an address in which he gave a brief statement of the condition of foreign relations, particularly those with France, saying: "After the President of the United States received information that the French Government had expressed serious discontents at some proceedings of the Government of these States said to affect the interests of France, he thought it expedient to send to that country a new minister fully instructed to enter on such amicable discussions and to give such candid explanations as might happily remove the discontents and sus picions of the French Government and vindicate the conduct of the United States. * Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 361; Morse, John Adams, p. 277. Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. i., p. 448. Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 232-233; John Adams, Works, vol. ix., pp. 111119. 332 ADAMS' MESSAGE TO CONGRESS. And his instruc pledge of a friendly union.' tions were to the same effect, 'faithfully to represent the disposition of the Government and people of the United States (their disposition being one), to remove jealousies and obviate complaints by shewing that they were groundless, to restore that mutual confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously impaired, and to explain the relative interests of both countries and the real sentiments of his own.' "A minister thus specially commissioned it was expected would have proved the instrument of restoring mutual confidence between the two Republics. The first step of the French Government corresponded with that expectation. A few days before his arrival at Paris, the French minister of foreign relations informed the American minister then resident at Paris of the formalities to be observed by himself in taking leave, and by his successor preparatory to his reception. These formalities, they observed, and on the 9th of December presented officially to the minister of foreign relations, the one a copy of his letters of recall, the other a copy of his letters of credence. "These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards, the minister of foreign relations informed the recalled American minister that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the redress of grievances demanded of the American government, and which the French Republic had a right to expect from it. The American minister immediately endeavored to ascertain whether by refusing to receive him it was intended that he should retire from the territories of the French Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the intention of the Directory. For his own justification he desired a written answer, but obtained none until toward the last of January, . when, receiving notice in writing to quit the territories of the Republic, he proceeded to Amsterdam, where he proposed to wait for instructions from this Government. During his residence at Paris, cards of hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the jurisdiction of the minister of police, but with becoming firmness he insisted on the protection of the law of nations due to him as the known minister of a foreign power. You will derive further information from his dispatches, which will be laid before you. "With this conduct of the French Government it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minister of the United States on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the President discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister because more dangerous to the independence and union, and at the same time marked with indignities toward the Government of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the Government, to persuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest. "It is my sincere desire, and in this I presume I concur with you and with our constituents, to preserve peace and friendship with all nations; and believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects with France, I shall institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we shall be willing on conviction to redress them; and equal measures of justice we have a right to expect from France and every other nation." There were now three groups in Congress. The first consisted of those extreme Federalists who desired war, led by William Smith and Harper, and supported by Secretaries Pick Richardson, Messages and Papers, pp. 234236; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 114-117; Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 1st session, vol. i., pp. 54-59. See also the documents submitted in Benton, pp. 121-123; Annals, vol. ii., pp. 64-67 and vol. iii., pp. 3056–3094. PARTY DIVISIONS IN CONGRESS; MATTHEW LYON. 333 ering and Wolcott.* The second by the President.* On May 23 the Gibbs, Administrations of Washington and Adams, vol. i., pp. 465, 502-517; Hamilton's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. vi., pp. 216, 221-225. by "It might, perhaps, be the opinion of some members of the House, more particularly of strangers, that he was improperly influenced Who is the man who has this proof? When he first came into that House, the French were embroiled with all their neighbors, who were en Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 364-365; Fuller, Speakers of the House, pp. 26-27. Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 239-242; Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 1st session, pp. 12-14; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 117–118. Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 1st session, vol. i., pp. 234-235; Benton, Abridgment, vol. ii., p. 142; McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 327-329. 334 ENVOYS SENT TO FRANCE. deavoring to tear them to pieces. He knew what had been the situation of this country when engaged in a similar cause, and was anxious for their success. Was there not cause for anxiety, when a nation, contending for the right of selfgovernment, was thus attacked? Especially when it was well known that if the powers engaged against France had proved successful, this coun try would have been their next object? Had they not the strongest proofs (even the declarations of one of [the British colonial] governors) that it was the intention of England to declare war against America, in case of the successful termination of the war against France? " * The Federalists declared that France was angry, not over any particular article of the treaty, but because the United States had made any treaty with Great Britain. R. G. Harper, of South Carolina, declared that France was endeavoring" to effect by force and aggression that which she had attempted in vain by four years of intriguing and insidious policy "-to put this country in a position where she would be compelled to choose between war with France and war with Great Britain. † Nevertheless the House overwhelmingly voted to send an answer, the vote standing 62 to 36. The President was assured that the sentiments of the Legislature agreed with his own regarding points of importance to which he had called their attention.|| *Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 1st session, vol. i., pp. 72-73; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 125–126. † See Annals of Congress, 5th Congress, 1st session, vol. i., pp. 169-193. For the debates in full, see Annals of Congress, pp. 67-234; Benton, Abridgment, vol. ii., pp. 123-142; for a resumé see Stevens, Albert Gallatin, pp. 137-141. || Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 242-244. See also Benton, Abridgment, vol. ii., pp. 143-144; Annals, pp. 236-238. After hearing the message and returning answers thereto, the House assented to Adams' proposal to renew negotiations, and upon his nomination three ambassadors were appointed.* The envoys selected were General Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry. They were instructed to procure peace by any means not incompatible with the faith of the United States, but they were to impair no national engagements nor to surrender any American rights.t * Adams first nominated Pinckney, John Marshall and Francis Dana, but, Dana declining to serve, Elbridge Gerry was substituted. See Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., p. 245. See also Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., p. 132; John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 510; vol. viii., p. 456; vol. ix., p. 150; Morse, John Adams, pp. 280-281; American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. ii., p. 19; A. B. Magruder, Life of Marshall, p. 101. Mr. Gibbs (vol. i., p. 519) calls attention to the fact that up to this time no personal collisions had taken place between the President and his Cabinet. "None of the causes which afterwards interrupted the harmony between them existed. On the part of the secretaries there was perfect good-will towards the chief magistrate, and a sincere disposition to render his administration successful. * It has been intimated that the desire of the secretaries improperly to control the President on this occasion was the origin of their dissensions. The assertion is untrue. In regard to Mr. Gerry's nomination, though it shook the confidence of those officers in Mr. Adams' discretion, it produced no personal ill-feeling; nor did they otherwise attempt to direct him than by withholding an approbation they could not give." See also Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, pp. 203-204. In a letter dated June 21, 1797, urging Gerry to accept the nomination, Jefferson said: "Peace is undoubtedly at present the first object of our nation. Interest and honor are also national considerations. But interest, duly weighed, is in favor of peace even at the expense of spoliations past and future; and honor cannot now be an object. The insults and injuries committed on ACTS OF CONGRESS; REPUBLICAN OPPOSITION. 335 The House then went into Commit- all schemes of internal taxation tee of the Whole, and though various by the Federal government that resolutions to comply with the meas- the operation of the stamp act was ures suggested by the President were postponed until January, 1798 (see introduced, but few were adopted. act of July 6, 1797), and again, by the Acts were passed prohibiting Ameri- act of December 15, 1797, until June, can citizens from privateering against 1798. By the act of July 8, 1797, a a nation in amity with the United new loan of $800,000 was authorized, States (act of June 14, 1797); forbid- the rate of interest not to exceed 6 ding the export of arms and ammuniper cent.* tion and encouraging their import (act of June 14, 1797); appropriating $115,000 for the further fortification of American harbors (act of June 23, 1797); apportioning 80,000 militia among the States, SO that the troops would be ready to march at a moments's notice notice (act (act of June 24, 1797); authorizing the completion, equipment and manning of the three new frigates, United States, Constitution and Constellation; providing for the registration of American ships; and imposing a duty on stamped vellum, parchment and paper (act of July 6, 1797) and an additional duty on salt (act of July 8, 1797.) But so unpopular were then 66 us by both the belligerent parties, from the beginning of 1793 to this day, and still continuing, cannot now be wiped off by engaging in war with one of them." He furthermore says: 'Be assured of this, my dear Sir, that if we engage in a war during our present passions, & our present weakness in some quarters, that our Union runs the greatest risk of not coming out of that war in the shape in which it enters it. My reliance for our preservation is in your acceptance of this mission."- Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., pp. 149-150; Morse, Thomas Jefferson, p. 182. See also Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, pp. 541-542. See also John Adams, Works, vol. viii., p. 549; King, Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, vol. ii., p. 193. The Republicans opposed most of these measures, not only because of their warlike nature, but also because they tended to increase the expenditures of the government. They considered every measure, not from the standpoint of expediency, but from its dangerous possibility of being used as a precedent in undermining the liberties of the people. This was clearly shown in the debate during the regular session of Congress on the appropriation of money to support foreign ministers. Instead of considering the question on its merits, discussion centered on the point of cost - whether the usefulness of these ministers would or would not justify the expense. In opposing the appropriation on January 18, 1798, Nicholas "thought it necessary to take a view of this subject, not only from the [consideration of] increase of expense, but from a variety of other considerations," conceiving it to be |