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sent the President a letter of the same tenor, saying, on public and personal accounts, on patriotic and prudential considerations, a clear path to be pursued by you will be again to obey the voice of your country. I trust, and I pray to God, that you will determine to make a further sacrifice of your tranquillity and happiness to the public good."* Randolph held the same view, expressing the fear that, unless Washington continued at the head of affairs, the stability of the Constitution was by no means certain, he alone being able to cope with the disorders and rebellions which seemed imminent.t Thus strongly urged, not alone by the letters above referred to, but by others from various parts of the country, Washington felt it his duty to accept a second nomination, and consented again to be placed in the President's chair. The ballots were cast as follows:

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Thus John Adams became VicePresident a second time.* In the Congressional elections the Republicans had better success, electing a majority of the members of the House of Representatives, who would sit from 1793-1795. Thenceforth they were able to conduct an agitation which reached every part of the country.

During the following summer a fearful disease desolated the homes of Philadelphia, when, in July, 1793, yellow fever made its appearance. For several weeks the deaths caused by that dreadful scourge were appalling; the streets of the city were black with funerals, and bells tolled incessantly. Thousands of people deserted their homes and fled to distant towns and villages. Every conceivable precaution was taken to prevent the spread of the malady; on August 22 Mayor Clarkson ordered the streets cleaned and the filth removed, and on the 26th the physicians of the city published an address warning the citizens against the danger of holding intercourse with infected persons. The tolling of funeral bells was stopped and all were advised to avoid fatigue, to dress warmly, and to observe temperate habits. At first huge bonfires were kindled in the hope of checking the disease, but when this proved ineffectual, guns were fired to

McMaster, vol. ii., pp. 85-88; Schouler, United States, vol. i., p. 533; Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 20-21; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. i., pp. 385-386; Annals of Congress, 2d Congress, 1st session, pp.

645-646.

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clear the atmosphere on the supposition that the smell of gunpowder would free the air of disease germs. Finally the spacious house of William Hamilton at Bush Hill was seized for use as a pest house; ten citizens volunteered as nurses; the Bank of North America advanced $1,500; and Stephen Girard (with the aid of Peter Helm) undertook the superintendency of the hospital. But it was impossible to obtain the services of reputable women nurses who would care for the sick, and those who were secured so sadly neglected their duties that the patients died by scores; and rather than be sent to such a chamber of horrors the afflicted persons hid themselves from the authorities.*

Those who attempted to flee from the city during the later stages of the scourge experienced much difficulty in finding an asylum. Persons suspected of having the disease were turned back along the roads by armed

guards; the coast towns laid a quarantine on all vessels from Philadel phia; in many cases stages were forbidden to pass through towns; and travelers were subjected to a rigid examination by innkeepers as to whence they had come, before being allowed to stop at the inns. Governor Clinton of New York forbade ships from Philadelphia to approach nearer than Bedloe's Island; the health committees of New York, Trenton, and Baltimore posted handbills forbidding communication with Philadelphia, and all persons were warned against taking strangers into their homes. During September the death rate was high, but as the cooler days of October came on it decreased, on the 8th of that month standing at 100 and on the 11th at 119. By the end of November the fever had practically left the city. It is estimated that 4,000 persons perished during the four months from August to November.*

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south of a line drawn through the Great Lakes and through a chain of water-courses to the Lake of the Woods and eastward of the Mississippi. The territory thus gained was the source of an extensive fur trade, and the Canadian traders of Detroit and Quebec were loathe to surrender this trade to a power which would divert it to the Ohio. This territory was the key to the upper tributaries of the Mississippi, and as it was believed that the development of the territory beyond the great river would enrich the nation owning it, the Canadians soon found a pretext upon which to withhold the formal surrender of the territory. At this time the region was only sparsely settled, but there were a sufficient number of military posts in the territory to hold it under military subjection. These posts were at Michillimackinac, Detroit, Fort Erie, Niagara, Oswego, Oswegatchie (on the St. Lawrence), Point-au-Fer, and Dutchman's Point (on Champlain).* With the expectation that the weakling American government would never be able to enforce her claims, Great Britain refused to surrender these posts, on the plea that the treaty of peace had been broken with regard to the collection of debts. owed by Americans to British merchants. The Americans, on the other hand, claimed that the British had

Lake

*American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i., p. 190.

On the controversy, see McLaughlin, Western Posts and British Debts, in Report of the American Historical Association for 1894, pp. 413-414.

taken away thousands of slaves without compensation, and that they were justified in withholding payments of debts due the British until the latter should make restitution for the slaves. Each side felt it had a grievance and would not meet the other half way.

Again, though John Adams had been sent to England, Great Britain refused to send a minister to the United States, and also steadily refused to make a treaty of commerce. Washington considered it particularly desirable to secure full explanations from England, and in October of 1789, resolved to sound the British cabinet and ascertain its views respecting the matters in dispute. He entrusted the negotiations to Gouverneur Morris, who was then in Europe on private business. In writing to Morris, October 13, 1789, Washington said: "It is, in my opinion, very important that we avoid errors in our system of policy respecting Great Britain; and this can only be done by forming a right judgment of their dispositions and views.''* When Morris conferred with the Duke of Leeds and Mr. Pitt, these ministers expressed a desire to maintain friendly terms with America, saying that the chief obstacle was the non-execution of the treaty of peace on the part of the United States.† Sub

* American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i., p. 122; Lodge, George Washington, vol. ii., p. 135.

Some of the conversation is given in Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, pp. 408-410. See also American State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i., pp. 122-124.

sequently the Duke of Leeds said that, if the delay on the part of the American government in fulfilling its engagements should render the final completion of the treaty impossible, Great Britain would refuse to fulfil those engagements which depended upon her, until either redress be granted to English subjects on the specific points of the treaty itself or a fair and just compensation be made. for the non-performance of those engagements on the part of the United States.*

At this time Great Britain and Spain were quarrelling, and, as it appeared probable that war might ensue, it was deemed a favorable opportunity to press the claims of the United States to the free navigation of the Mississippi. The American chargé at Madrid, Carmichael, was instructed to urge an early settlement of this matter and was directed to put forth his utmost endeavors to secure the unrestricted use of that river hereafter by obtaining a cession of the Island of New Orleans and of the Floridas. It was supposed that, should England and Spain become involved in war, the English would invade Louisiana and Canada; hence Washington turned his attention to the measures which would be necessary in case such an attempt were made. In response to the inquiries made by the President, Hamilton said that we ought to coöperate with England

against

Leeds to Morris, April 28, 1790, American. State Papers, Foreign Relations, vol. i., p. 123.

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Spain, he being doubtful if we should ever need the western bank of the Mississippi.* Adams thought that we should remain neutral, for

*

*

*

* * *

"the people of these States would not willingly support a war, and the present government has not strength to command, nor enough of the confidence of the nation to draw, the men or money necessary, until the grounds, causes, and necessity of it should become generally known and universally approved. To grant to Lord Dorchester permission to march troops through the territory of the United States, from Detroit to the Mississippi, would not only have an appearance, offensive to the Spaniards, of partiality to the English, but would be a real injury to Spain. The answer, therefore, to his Lordship, should be a refusal, in terms clear and decided, but guarded and dignified." +

Jefferson, however, held that we should conclude a treaty of alliance with Spain, and, if possible, make France a party to it.‡ Morris summed up the state of affairs with England, basing his assumptions on conversations with the British officials, saying, "I have some reason to believe that the present administration intend to keep the posts, and without payment for the negroes." Washington therefore deemed it useless to press the subject of a commercial treaty and withdrew the powers given to Morris.§ About the same time the differences between Great Britain and Spain were

*Hamilton's ed. of Hamilton's Works, vol. iv., pp. 48-69.

† John Adams, Works, vol. viii., p. 498. Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. v., pp. 199-203, 238-239.

Gordy, Political History, vol. i., p. 216. See also Sparks, Life of Gouverneur Morris, vol. i., chap. xviii., vol. ii., pp. 1-57.

§ See Roosevelt, Gouverneur Morris, p. 227 et seq.