between the two, that in England they are elected by the people, whereas in France they are nominated by the King and his Ministers." I remarked," that the difference seemed to me very important; and that though the Crown did nominate the members, it might prove a very troublesome body. That in England, with all the experience we had had of such assemblies, it was found very troublesome to manage them, and the same difficulty might occur in France." He would not listen, however, with patience to such reasoning, but exclaimed, Assurez-vous, mon ami, que M. de Calonne, de ce moment, est maitre de royaume. At first every thing went on prosperously. The minister had soon afterwards a levee, which was attended by about 500 carriages, and he really seemed to be master of the kingdom. But, in a course of a few weeks, he was obliged to fly from France, by the proceedings of that very body, whom he had himself created, and by whose means he hoped to have had his power permanently established.

It was assembling "The Notables" that laid the foundation of the French Revolution, and all the extraordinary events which have resulted from it. Calonne's object was, to raise money, to pay those debts which the expenses of the war, to establish the independence of America, had occasioned. Dearly has the House of Bourbon paid for that impolitic interference.

No. XII.

ORIGIN OF THE ARMED NEUTRALITY.

The history of the armed neutrality proves, by what artifices sovereigns are deceived by their ministers, and how difficult it is for them, however able, to avoid falling into the snares to which their situation exposes them. The Empress Catherine, there is every reason to believe, was more inclined to favour the interests of Great Britain than those of France, and yet was prevailed upon, contrary to her own wishes, to act a different part. The history of this famous league is briefly as follows:

During the American war, the French found that, from our fortunate situation, we could intercept the naval stores coming to them from the Baltic, under their own flag. A plan of obtaining those stores in neutral bottoms, was therefore sketched out, in Mr Necker's house, anno 1777. It was afterwards sent to a French house at Am

sterdam, to be considered there; thence, to Hamburgh, and afterwards to Stockholm, where it was highly approved of. The King of Sweden, anno 1778, in vain endeavoured to get the Empress to approve of the system.

But what this sovereign would not directly give her assent to, her ministers were determined indirectly to extort from her: and the plan they pursued for that purpose was a very subtile one.

They contrived that a ship, loaded with naval stores, under Russian colours, should be captured by the Spaniards; and care was taken, that the crew should be very ill used, so as to attract more the attention of the Empress, and to engage her more warmly in the

cause.

.

The Empress, by the representations, or rather misrepresentations of her ministers, was nettled to the quick, and declared, that she would lay down some rules to the Spaniards in those matters. "Your majesty had better form a general system, to be observed in future by every nation," said the artful Bachunin; and finding the opportunity favourable, produced a plan, almost similar to the one she had formerly rejected. She rashly gave her assent to it. Potemkin told her his mind so freely upon the occasion, that she actually shed tears; but the matter had gone too far to be retracted.

Our minister at Petersburgh, (Sir James Harris,) could hardly credit it. He knew the partiality which the Empress entertained for England. He had every reason to believe, that her prime minister, Prince Potemkin, was firmly in the English interest; and in order to secure him, he had given 100,000 rubles (about L.20,000) to his favourite niece, the Countess Branitzki. In vain the English factory, who had got some information of the plot, endeavoured to warn him of it. He could not be convinced of the possibility of such a treaty, until it had been actually signed. It was greatly promoted by the treachery of a favourite of Prince Potemkin's, a Madame Guibal, who managed to get copies taken of all the correspondence and notes, that passed between the Prince and Sir James Harris, and communicated them to the French ambassador, who carried them to Count Panin, and worked on him to go directly to the Empress, and obtain her signature to the treaty. Panin was influenced to act thus, chiefly out of pique for being passed over by Sir James, who trusted entirely to Prince Potemkin's influence, of which he thought himself sure.

Count Panin, the then vice-chancellor, or minister for foreign affairs, was not consulted about it; and it was entirely carried on by the means of Besbarodko and Bachunin. Madame Davia, an Italian, Besbarodko's mistress, was certainly bribed to give the measure all the aid she could: and Bachunin, it is confidently asserted, re

ceived a sum from France, for the essential services he did in it. It is shocking to think by what means important events are brought about, in a court so devoted to debauchery and corruption.

Nor were there wanting reasons plausible enough for proposing or adopting the armed neutrality.

The glory of being at the head of such a confederacy, and of giving law to the principal maritime, as she had formerly done, at the peace of Teschen, to the Emperor and to Prussia, the two great military powers of Europe, was no small inducement.

Next, foolish expectations of a great trade in Russian bottoms, and an increase of ships, seamen, &c. But they were miserably mistaken. It tempted many Russians to fit out ships, which, owing to the unskilfulness of the sailors, were in general lost; and though before the treaty was signed, the Russian ships were hired at the rate of guilders per ton, owing to the respect that was paid to the Russian flag, yet the freight soon fell, when, after the establishment of the armed neutrality, the Danes, Swedes, Prussians, &c. came to be put upon the same footing.

There is one circumstance which makes the Russian court very fond of negociations; and that is, the fees paid to the ministers on such occasions, in general amounting to L.10,000 for each treaty. Count Osterman, since he became vice-chancellor, has gained L.25,000 by those perquisites.

No. XIII.

PRINCE POTEMKIN.

There is no individual in modern times, whose history and character it would be more interesting to have a full account of, than that of Prince Potemkin, who was elevated, from rather an inferior station, to a greater degree of power, than almost any subject, in modern times was ever possessed of, and who, after enjoying for many years, highest possible prosperity, at last miserably perished in 'a ditch, finding it impossible to escape the fatal disorder with which he was afflicted, and which no mortal power could avert.

the

The following are the particulars which I learnt in Russia, respecting this most extraordinary character.

He was descended from a private gentleman's family in the neighbourhood of Smolensko. Was a serjeant of the guards, (which however is far from being a low station), about the time of the late

revolution, and was very instrumental in placing the Empress upon the throne. He is a remarkably tall man, about six feet two, and not unpleasing in his appearance, though he has a defect in one of his eyes. He gives one some idea of the famous Mithridates, or of the Maximins and Diocletians of the Roman empire, who partly owed their rise to the bulk and manliness of their appearance. His power in Russia, at one time resembled that of a Grand Vizier in Turkey, not being confined to one particular departmeut, but extending over all. But of late, he has found it necessary to agree to a partition. Besbarodko and his party have the entire direction of foreign affairs, and the government of old Russia. He has stipulated for himself an unlimited power of drawing on the treasury, the command of all the new acquisitions, together with the interior direction of the palace, the nomination of the Empress's personal favourites, &c. He is the only man that the Empress stands in awe of, and she both likes and fears him. He has taken every means of security he can devise, ingratiating himself with the guards, placing his relations and friends in high employments, and obtaining an independent command in the Crimea, and the neighbouring provinces, with the fleet in the Black Sea, and an army of 90,000 men.

He is certainly one of the ablest men in Russia, though better calculated for the intrigues of a court, than for conducting a war. He has a great fund of general information, and is very desirous of adding to it. He can apply closely, when it is necessary; but loves to enjoy an indolent life of dissipation as much as any man.

He is very affable to the foreign ministers, and to all strangers of distinction who come to Petersburgh. But to the Russians he behaves with inconceivable hauteur, and treats them, with a few exceptions, little better than dogs. The family he principally associates with, is that of the Grand Ecuyer, Alexander Nariskin, father of the Countess Sulluhub, one of the greatest beauties about court.

It was always supposed that he was attached to the English interest, and was convinced that an alliance between England and Russia would prove of essential advantage to both countries. Sir James Harris and he were on very intimate terms. But he seems to prefer Count Segur the French, to Mr Fitzherbert, the English minister, and thence it is conjectured, is beginning to change his political sentiments in favour of the French *. At Berlin, they suppose him inclined to Prussia; but erroneously, the Emperor having gained him, by creating him a Prince of the empire, and, it is said, by gratifications of other kinds.

* Segur's Memoirs explain the arts by which that was effected.

His great object is the plans against Turkey. As he proposes to command the army himself, (which he thinks must be victorious), there is no saying what so daring and ambitious a character may have in view. To be a Knight of the order of St George, the principal one in Russia, which, by the rules of the order, can only be conferred upon those who command an army, or a fleet, victorious in some great engagement, is certainly one object. Perhaps he imagines, if he were successful as commander-in-chief, that he might gain over the troops he conquered with, and erect a new empire on the destruction of the Turkish.

It is imagined, that he once intended to be Duke of Courland; and the present Duke is so much afraid of him, that he never trusts himself in Russia, and is as seldom as possible in his own dominions. He would hardly at present condescend to be Hospodar of Moldavia, though a plan he formerly had in view. It is said, that he has some hopes of the crown of Poland, in contradiction to the laws, by which all foreigners are excluded. He has undoubtedly amassed much wealth, for some purpose or another; and is said to have placed some part of it in the English funds. The Empress has bestowed great estates on him in the late acquisitions in Poland, where he would probably retire, in the event of a change of sovereigns, if he has not previously secured some independent establishment.

He sometimes neglects the Empress, and they have many little quarrels and disputes together. But, on the whole, he is so very able and necessary a servant, his power is so well fixed, and it is of such essential service, in so despotic a government, to have a minister, whose character and spirit impresses all ranks of people with terror and awe, that, during the present reign he must ever be a man of the first consequence in Russia.

He is covered with stars and ribbons, not only Russian but foreign. It is said he is particularly ambitious to be named a Knight of the Garter, which he considers the most honourable in Europe, and would sacrifice much to obtain it.

Of the English ministers and statesmen, he is most attached to Fox, who, hearing that Mr Pole Carew had a picture of one Potemkin, who, above a century ago, had been ambassador from Russia to England, he purchased it for 100 guineas, and sent it to the Prince, with a handsome complimentary letter. It is hung up in a very conspicuous place in his palace; and many of his friends, to indulge his vanity, and as a proof of their attachment to the house of Potemkin, have taken copies of it.

On the whole, with great abilities, he is a worthless and dangerous character, and will stand at nothing to procure any object he may