ed Soult with above 20,000 faithful adherents, and thus would have been enabled to make a fresh struggle.

General Moreau.

The following character of General Moreau was drawn up by an American gentleman, who knew him well at New York, anno 1810.

General Moreau is a man of frank, unreserved manners, with an honest countenance, and convivial disposition; of some acquired knowledge, (having received a liberal education), and natural quickness of perception. He has a good library of books; and has learnt enough of the language to converse with tolerable facility in English. He resides in winter at New York, receiving much company; and in summer, at a country-house he has bought on the Delaware, between New York and Philadelphia, where he spends his time in shooting and fishing. He entertains the highest opinion of the talents of his fortunate rival, and the worst possible of his principles. He believes that Bonaparte really intended an invasion of England some years ago,—and he, (Moreau), thinks it difficult, but by no means impracticable. Bonaparte did not expect a conquest; but he expected to be able to destroy the principal arsenals, and to dictate a peace in the capital. Moreau says, that the best generals are seldom employed by Bonaparte, who wants none near him, but those to whom he may be permitted "donner des coups de pied dans les os des jambes ;" and that they do nothing well without him..

My informant does not think General Moreau has any political correspondence in France; and he considered any attempt to overturn the present government as vain. He thinks Bonaparte's destruction is likely to come from his own army, when exasperated by extreme hardships, or any reverse of fortune. Moreau has still a predilection for a republican government; and some idea that it might have answered in France. He has a respect for the British Government, and national character. Mr Jefferson and his party avoided

shewing any attention to General Moreau, for fear of displeasing Bonaparte.

POLITICAL CORRESPONDENCE.

1. THE DIRECTOR BARTHELEMY.

From similarity of pursuits, I had contracted a very intimate friendship with that distinguished Savant M. Barthelemy; and when he became a Director of the French Republic, I was induced to send him some publications on agricultural subjects, a branch of science to which he was extremely partial. To that communication I received the following an

swer:

J'ai reçu avec beaucoup d'intérêt le billet que Monsieur le Chevalier Sinclair a bien voulu m'écrire, en date du 12. Juin, et l'utile ouvrage qu'il y a joint. Je n'ai pas manqué de faire connoître, l'un et l'autre, au Directoire Executif. Personne ne desire plus que moi de concourir au succès des sages vues que Monsieur le Chevalier exprime dans son billet, et de voir arriver le moment où nos deux nations ne connoitront plus d'autre rivalité que celle qui leur sera inspirée par leur desir de perfectionner l'agriculture et tous les arts amis de la paix.

à Paris, le 12. Messidor,

30. Juin 1797.

BARTHELEMY *.

* Translation.

I have received with much satisfaction the note which Sir John Sinclair was pleased to write to me, under date of the 12th June, with the useful publication that came with it. I did not fail to make known, both the one and the other, to the Executive Directory. None desire more than myself to concur in the

I communicated the letter to Mr Pitt, then at the head of the British Government, as a proof that the leaders of the French Republic were not averse to a pacific intercourse between the two countries; but, to my astonishment, he considered it in the highest degree improper that any such communication should have been made by me. I have no doubt, if a contrary system had been adopted, that through the medium of Director Barthelemy, the general nature of the terms that could have been agreed to might have been ascertained, and perhaps a peace concluded between the two hostile nations, founded on the basis of mutual benefit. The tyrannical government of Napoleon would then never have been heard of; the wasteful expenses of the late war would have been avoided; and the oppressive consequences of that war, which we now so fatally experience, would have been prevented.

Had I then known the sentiments of the Chancellor Thurlow, which he stated to me in his confidential letter, dated 27th January 1798, (see vol. i. 'p. 123), it is not improbable, or at least impossible, that Mr Pitt might have been compelled to negociate, more especially as it would have been in my power, in Lord Thurlow's words, "to have brought about some previous understanding between the parties."

2.-THE DUKE DE RICHELIEU.

When Louis XVIII. was placed on the Throne of France, he had a difficult game to play. If he took for ministers those statesmen who had been trained up during the Revolu

wise views expressed in the note of Sir John Sinclair, and to see the moment arrive, when the two nations will know no other rivalship, than such as will be dictated by their wishes to improve agriculture and all the arts favourable to peace.

Paris, 12. Messidor, O. S.

June 30. 1797.

(Signed)

BARTHELEMY.

tion, he would have employed persons who were accustomed to business, and distinguished for ability, but on whose attachment he could not confidently rely. On the other hand, if he chose his ministers from among the emigrants, he would have pitched upon those, on whose personal attachment he could depend, but who, perhaps, were not equal to their competitors, in regard to information, experience, or talents. On the whole, the King, after his restoration in consequence of the battle of Waterloo, thought it most for his interests to dismiss the Prince de Talleyrand, and to nominate the Duke de Richelieu in his room.

The Duke had received an excellent education, and knew well all the principal languages in Europe. When the Bourbon Family were exiled from France, he entered into the Russian army, and distinguished himself much, both by his military services, and afterwards as Governor of the Crimea. He certainly was one of the most respectable of those who were included in the list of emigrants, and he was well calculated to shine as a courtier, being distinguished for polished manners, and the elegance of his address. But when he was appointed, in 1814, President of the Council, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, he unfortunately adopted a plan to get rid of those liberal institutions which had been established by the charter. This rendered him extremely unpopular. He gave also great offence to the French nation in general, by taking an active part in procuring the condemnation and death of the celebrated Marshal Ney. Having lost his influence at court, he resolved to retire, and resigned his offices in the month of December 1821. His death, in the March following, was attributed to chagrin.

On my arrival in France in January 1817, I regretted much to see the weakness of the new government, owing to the state of its finances; and in the course of an audience with the Duke, I stated to him my conviction, that all its financial difficulties might be got rid of, by the establishment of a paper currency. He requested me to send him my plan for

that purpose, which I did accordingly, and received in return the following communication :

MONSIEUR*,

Paris, 16th Janvier 1817.

Je suis très sensible à l'attention que vous avez eu de m'adresser votre plan sur les moyens de retablir nos affaires de finance. J'y ai reconnu l'homme exercé aux grandes opérations économiques; et je suis bien persuadé, que si un plan fondé sur la création d'un papier monnaye pourait réussir aujourd'hui en France, le succès serait sans doute assuré à celui que vous proposez. Mais vingt ans de troubles, de guerres, et d'evènemens extraordinaires, m'ont point encore effacé le souvenir du papier monnaye qui y servit de premier' aliment. L'experiences deja faites ont prouvé que, la capitale exceptée, un signe monétaire, autre qu'un signe metallique, quelque libre qu'en fût l'adoption, n'aurait aucun succès en France. La Banque de France a inutilement tenté d'établir des comptoire d'escompte à Lyon, à Rouen, à Lille. It faut donc nous resigner encore à user de nos moyens actuels de circulation.

Je ne suis pas moins reconnoissant de la peine que vous avez prise, et je vous prie d'en agréer mes remercimens, ainsi que l'assurance de la considération très distinguée avec laquelle j'ai l'honneur d'être votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur,

RICHELIEU.

* Translation.

Paris, 16th January 1817.

SIR,

I am very sensible of your attention in sending me your plan as to the means of re-establishing our financial affairs. I recognised in it a man versed in the operations of political economy on a great scale; and I am fully persuaded, that if a plan, founded on the creation of a paper money, could be carried into effect at this time in France, success would undoubtedly attend that which you propose. But twenty years of troubles, wars, and extraordinary events, have by no means effaced the remembrance of the paper money, which was the first thing