§ 17. Further inferences derivable from (a) the traditionary history of the LUCEREs.

To return to the Seven Hills of Rome, we shall find, as was stated at the beginning of this investigation, that the relations in which the inhabitants of the city stood to one another are the same, on a smaller scale, with those which connected or distinguished the inhabitants of the whole peninsula of Italy. And here scientific etymology throws a wonderful light on the apparently discordant facts preserved by an undiscriminating tradition.

It appears that the Oscan or Alban Ramnes on the Palatine' had reduced the Pelasgians on the Cælian to a state of dependence or vassalage; what took place in Latium generally was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two communities—one of which we may call Roma, and the other Lucerum-constituted the original city of Rome, which contended on a footing of equality with the Quirites: hence the legend calls Roma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria2,-of the aboriginal Oscans, and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Roma admitted Quirium to the privileges of citizenship, the Quirites naturally took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celsi Ramnes still remained at the head of the populus. According to one story, they compelled the Luceres to leave their stronghold and descend to the plain3. It appears, too, that, together with the Cælian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were called the Pectuscum Palati, or "breast-work of the Palatine1.” Now, it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the first Tarquinius, who both introduced them into the senate, and also gave

1 The "Palatini aborigines ex agro Reatino," as Varro calls them (L. L. V. § 53).

2 Plutarch. Romul. II., where we must read Aevkapias.

3 Varro, L. L. V. § 46.

4 Festus, p. 213, Müller: "Pectuscum Palati dicta est ea regio Urbis, quam Romulus obversam posuit, ea parte in qua plurimum erat agri Romani ad mare versus et qua mollissime adibatur urbs, cum Etruscorum agrum a Romano Tiberis discluderet, ceteræ vicinæ civitates colles aliquos haberent oppositos."

them representatives among the ministers of religion'. And who was this Lucius Tarquinius but a Lucumo or grandee from the Tuscan city Tarquinii, who settled at Rome, and was raised to the throne? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to doubt that he was the Cæles Vivenna, whose friend and successor Mastarna appears under the name of Servius Tullius3. The difference in the policy of the first and second of these Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastarna, represents him as connected with that Pelasgian branch of the Roman population which eventually furnished the greater part of the plebs1; whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of the Tuscan city Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aristocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the second Tarquinius, tyrannical; for only the absolute sovereign of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Septimontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria, was at least the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its dominion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the decline of Tarquinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If Lars Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have replaced him on the throne; but he was so far from doing this, that he did not even grant him an exsilium in his own dominions. The

1 See Niebuhr, I. p. 296; III. p. 350.

2 Niebuhr, I. p. 375, note 922; and Kleine Schriften, II. p. 26, sqq. 3 See the celebrated Lugdunensian Table, Lipsius, Excurs. ad Tac. Ann. XI. 24. Müller (Etrusker, I. 118-123) ingeniously conjectures that the reigns of the Tarquins mythically represent the predominance of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastarna, the representative of the rival city Volsinii. Tarquinii, however, for a while resumed her influence; but at last was obliged to succumb, like the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium.

4 See, for instance, Livy, I. 30, where both Tullius and Servilius (Niebuhr, I. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names.

5 Niebuhr, I. p. 373.

vanquished Lucumo of Rome took refuge, not at Clusium, but at Cuma1, with Porsena's great enemy Aristodemus2, whom he made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia, and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium.

§ 18. (b) Fragmentary records of the early Constitution of

Rome.

The inferences derivable from these traditions are materially confirmed by some fragmentary records of the constitutional history of early Rome. The revolutionary movement, by which the second Tarquinius was expelled, is always connected with the influence and agency of Junius Brutus, who then held the office of Tribunus Celerum. The result of this revolution was to substitute two consules or colleagues for the old kingly government. But whenever it was thought advisable, on great emergencies, to revert to the authority of a single chief, we find that this Dictator, as he was called, appeared as a Magister Populi, or head of the old patrician tribes, and that he was invariably associated with a Magister Equitum, or head of the plebeian knights, whom the elder Tarquin admitted to the full franchise, and so made his senate to consist of Patres, or original deputies, and Conscripti, or additional counsellors. The Duumviri Perduellionis and other ancient dualisms pointed out by Niebuhr are additional indications of a two-fold division of the Roman people long before the growth of the later plebs. Now if the second order corresponded to the Luceres, as opposed to the combined populus of Ramnes and Tities, we can easily see that the Tarquinian influence, as exercised by Cæles Vivenna and Mastarna, was favourable not only to the Celeres or richer class among the

1 Cramer's Italy, II. p. 150.

2 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a Greek; and Macaulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek features of the second Tarquinian legend (Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 80). The equestrian games of the Tarquins, and their reverence for the Delphic oracle, also imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we read still more distinctly in the case of Pyrgi, the renowned port of Agylla, or Care, another Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii, was intimately connected with Rome.

Luceres, but also to the Proletarians, and generally to the whole population; whereas the second Tarquinius is indicated by his whole history as having endeavoured to reduce and degrade the inferior order of his subjects, until some final outrage roused the whole city to vengeance, the Luceres however taking the lead under the guidance of their legitimate leader the Tribunus Celerum. The result of this revolution was to reduce the populus, or two elder tribes, to a footing of tolerable equality with the Luceres; and the lays or legends represent the latter as having purchased their position by a pre-eminence of sufferings and of services, both in the expulsion of the Tarquinian dynasty and in the subsequent resistance to the foreign domination of the Clusians.

$ 19. (c) Etymology of some mythical proper names. A great deal of new light may be derived from a careful examination of the proper names Horatius and Lucretius, the former representing the inferior position of the populace, the latter the local designation of the Luceres. The word Hor-atius is derived from the old Latin word hir, "a hand," and is therefore a longer form of Hir-tius, just as Curiatius is of Cur-tius. The fight between the Horatii and Curiatii probably refers to a contest between the Curiatii (kоúρnтes), “men of the curia, (Koúpηtes), and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet,” and the Horatii (xepvnτes), "handicraftsmen," i. e. the lower order, in which contest, as usual, the latter succeeded in maintaining their just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the two fought for Alba (Liv. I. 24), i. e. whether the Latin or Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Rome. The story about Horatius Cocles admits of a similar interpretation. The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge-head by the three Roman tribes-Lartius (Larth, Lars, "prince" or "king") representing the head-tribe, Herminius the second, and Horatius the third. The surname Cocles still farther explains the name Horatius in its opposition to Curiatius. The ancients knew that this word meant one-eyed (Plin. H. N. XXXVII. 55), and I have elsewhere suggested that it may be derived from cæculus (N. Crat. § 154). The last part is undoubtedly that derivative from i-re, which is found in mil-it-es, ped-it-es, equ-it-es, &c. With the Romans, as with other nations, the ideas of being and

going are interchangeable (N. Crat. § 269), and therefore we should not press the meaning of this termination farther than by saying that cocles is a form analogous to miles, &c. Now the other term for one-eyed is luscus, which is to be compared with λogós, λočias. This last word, as the name of the archergod, Apollo, refers unquestionably to the oblique or side-long position of the bowman in the act of shooting; and there is no reason why the same explanation should not apply to the cocl-it-es, who will thus represent the λol or light-armed troops of the commonalty. As in the case of David and Goliath, the triumph is greater when there is an inequality in the arms; and this no doubt was felt to enhance the Horatian victory and the successful defence of the Pons Sublicius. Considered as an army, the Romans fell into the following subdivisions-the populus or patrician orλirat, the celeres or plebeian knights, and the plebs, i. e. πλñ¤os, or multitudo, who were the milites, properly so called, "the common soldiers who marched in a body," and who were by virtue of their armour merely coclites, or "shooters." And thus the magister populi and magister equitum, or tribunus celerum, will stand in a military opposition to the tribuni plebis. The separation between the populus and plebs, which is most strongly indicated by the refusal of the connubium, or right of intermarriage, to the latter, renders it possible that the patricians were called proceres," wooers," or proci patricii, "patrician suiters" (Festus, p. 249, Müller), with particular reference to this crowning mark of political equality. And a comparison of proceres with celeres might lead us to infer, that, while the original patres were termed proci, the celeres or conscripti were designated as proceres, the termination indicating the later acquisition of the connubium. The meaning of the name Herminius is not obvious at first sight; it does not sound like a Latin name. When however we call to mind that the most ancient name for a noble warrior in Greek was npws, which may be proved to be equal to "p-Fαoт-s = ǹp-PWT-s, "the lord-warrior" (N. Crat. § 329), and when we recollect that herus is a good Latin word, and that min is found in ho-min-, ne-min-, &c., we may well suppose that Her-minius represents a form analogous to pws, and therefore that, as Lartius typifies the nobles, and Horatius the common people, so Herminius personifies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Hermann or