cil. The governments that submitted to the Regency, considered those who did not as rebels In the estimation of the Revolutionists, the mere name of Ferdinand VII. was a mere phantom. To pay respect and homage to this, nothing but mockery. There could not be any real loyalty, it was said, without obedience to those by whom the king, during his captivity, was legitimately represented. Commissioners were sent from Porto Rico, Mexico, New Mexico, Cuba, Spanish Guiana, Monte Video, and the juntas, or governments of some other districts, to the Regency of Cadiz, with assurances of their attachment and zealous co-operation with the Regency in support of the monarchy in all its members or branches. But by far the greatest portion of the Spanish part of South America adopted the principles, and followed the example of the Caraccas. The inhabitants of those fine countries were divided into two parties-the Loyalists, and the Independents; and their dissentions fermented into flames of civil war.

Into these a general sketch of the History of Europe does not enter, and still less into the various internal affairs, civil and political, of ultra-marine regions Occupying so large a portion of the surface of the globe. All these will furnish superabundant matter for the historians of America; and they may, there is every reason to suppose, become more interesting to the enlightened part of the world than those of an old country, losing its energy with its liberty, and in comparison of nascent, active, and ardent states, effete and torpid. Yet the revo

lutions in South, as those in North America, refer to Europe for their origin, and re-act on Europe in their results. These general causes and consequences it is proper and necessary to notice in a History of Europe.

The Junta of Caraccas had very naturally represented their situation and designs to the British governor of the island of Curacao,

SO

near the entrance into the gulph of Venezuela, soliciting his countenance and protection. The governor did not hesitate to enter into a friendly correspondence with Caraccas; but, in circumstances so new and important, required instructions from home for the direction of his conduct. It was necessary for the British government, at this crisis, to make a public declaration of the system on which it was to act with regard to the Spanish colonies: and the Earl of Liverpool, secretary of state for war and the colonies, wrote a letter, June 29, 1810, to the governor of Curacao, Brigadier-General Lidyard, in which he stated, that "it was the first object of his Majesty, on being acquainted with the revolution in Spain, to second the efforts of so brave and loyal a people for maintaining the independence of the Spanish monarchy in all parts of the world. In conformity to these sentiments, and the obligations of justice and good faith, his Majesty must discourage every step tending to separate the Spanish provinces in America from the mother country in Europe. If, however, contrary to his Majesty's wishes and expectation, the Spanish state in Europe should be condemned to submit to the yoke of the common

enemy,

EUROPE

enemy, whether by real compulsion, or a convention that should leave only the shadow of independence on the same principles his Majesty would think it his duty to afford every kind of assistance to the provinces of America that should render them independent of French Spain, open an asylum to such of the Spaniards as should disdain to submit to their oppressors, regard America as their natural refuge, and preserve the remains of the monarchy to their lawful sovereign, if ever he should recover his liberty. It was a satisfaction to his Majesty to learn, by papers he had received, that what had passed in Caraccas, was in a great measure owing to the erroneous impressions they had received of the desperate state of Spain. These being removed, the inhabitants of Caraccas* would be disposed to renew their connections with Spain, as integral parts of the empire, on their being admitted to take their

place in the Cortes of the kingdom."

Nothing could be more prudent than this conduct of the British government in a situation so new, delicate, and difficult.

A copy of Lord Liverpool's letter was communicated to the Council of Regency at Cadiz, and published in all the Spanish newspapers.

A strong suspicion was entertained by the Independents, as a Portuguese army, 10,000 strong, had been sent in March to the frontiers of the Spanish colonies, that there might be a secret negociation for enforcing the pretensions of the Princess of Brazil to the whole country between the Porana and La Plata, in exchange for the islands of Madeira and St. Catharine. But this apprehension was quieted by a letter from Lord Strangford, British minister at the court of Brazil, to the Junta of Buenos Ayres.

duty! No such thing. It soon appeared how much of the blood of Lorraine flowed in her veins. She was gay, lively, and almost playful, and delighted with her conquest over a man who had conquered the world.

But while the face of France and its dependencies seemed to be brightened up with joy, the friends of humanity and wellwishers to established monarchies and the old order of things, deplored the humiliation of Austria, and execrated the servility of the fallen Archduke Charles! The sacrifice of Iphigenia in Aulis, scarcely cost more tears to assembled Greece, than that of Louisa Maria to the usurper of the throne of France-France, of which so near a relation perished, at so late a period, was the murdered queen!

Intimation had been made by Buonaparte in the beginning of December, 1809, of an intended change in Holland, by which it would become a part of the French empire, to which indeed it naturally belonged, as it was nothing else but an alluvion of the Rhine, Meuse, and the Scheldt, the great arteries of the empire. * By this time numbers of French troops had begun to glide imperceptibly into Holland, till at last it was occupied by a French army of 40,000 men. The Exchange of Rotterdam was converted into a stable for French cavalry. This was a virtual or real annexation of that country to the French empire. Yet Buonaparte appears at first to have been willing that it should possess a nominal indepen

dence, and his brother wear a nominal crown. A treaty was made with Lewis, whereby Holland, on the left bank of the Waal, was to be annexed to France. An army of 18,000 men, including 3000 cavalry, partly French and partly Dutch, was to be distributed at all the mouths of the rivers, along with officers of the French customs, for the prohibition of all trade between Holland and England: the whole to be paid, provisioned, and clothed by the Dutch government. Though the treaty did not authorize the presence of French custom-bouse officers, but upon the banks of the sea and at the mouths of rivers, or their interference in any other measures than those relating to the blockade, and declared that the French troops should remain only on the coast, detachments of French soldiers accompanied by custom-house officers, spread themselves over various parts of the interior. About the middle of June, 20,000 French troops were assembled in the environs of Utrecht. On the 29th of that month, the King of Holland received official information, that his majesty the Emperor insisted on the occupation of Amsterdam, and the establishment of the French head-quarters in that capital.

Under these circumstances, Lewis, July 1, resigned his rank and royal dignity in favour of his eldest son, Napoleon Lewis, and of his brother, Prince Charles Lewis Napoleon. It was stated in the deed of abdication, that her majesty the Queen, being of right, and according to the constitution,

regent