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hence points out the necessity of passing through those preliminary Iteps, required by the rules of our universities, prior to enlering on ihe practice of an art, allowed on all hands to be one of the highest importance and difficulty. After dwelling on this part of his fubject, in a proper and imprellive manner, he gives a Thort sketch of the characters of the founder of the College, and of those who have since improved it by their donations, or adorned it by the splendour of their talents; and shows that they who, in their youth, had laid the deepest and best foundations, and excelled in literature, became afterwards the most eminent in their profesion. Descending to the present times, he concludes with elegant and well deserved encomiums on the characters of Dr. Heberden, and Sir George Baker, living monumen's of the excellence of the Institution, which the Oration is intended to celebrate. This part, as peculiarly well calculated to mark the ability of the author, and above others grateful to us, as praising those who lo eminently deserve every fpecies of commendation, we shall with pleasure lay before our readers.

“ Atque hic loci, pro more mihi liceret Orationi hodiernæ fidein facere ; quandò verò unde initia cæperim in memoriam revoco; quando non modò honeftain illam mecum reputo, sed necessariam ferè medi. cinæ cum literis et philosophiâ conjunctionem, nequeo Illuftriffimum Virum prætermittere, qui vivo exemplari fuo ad majora nos provoeat atque incendir. Vidiftis eum nuperrimè fummum apud vos magistra. tum fummâ cum laude tenentem; et dum eo munere fungebatur, no. viftis Pharmacopæiæ renovandæ quam totum fe dederit. ---Audivitis eum, hâc ipsâ ex cathedrà, incorruprâ Romanæ dictionis fanirate, et eloquentiâ Ciceronianæ ætatis non indigna, noftrorum Medicorum æterna ftatuere monumenta. Scripta ejus in manibus atque in deliciis habetis, quz fivè rei propofitæ explicationem, et, quæ vera dicitur, Philosophiam fpectes, sive verboru in pondera er venuftates, inter pul. cherrima collocanda sunt, ne dican Medicinæ solùın, sed univeríæ eruditionis ornamenta, Inter alià teftari licet libelluin egregiè scriptum de Catarrho et Dysenteriâ, morbis ejusdem anni epideinicis--et etia in Dissertationes illas de Colicâ Pietonica---in quibus fingularis morbi historia ab omni ferè antiquatate ad hæc ufque tempora deducitur, et ejus causa non nifi fimplex et una effe monftratur. Ac miito plura, et mori Antiquorum obfequor, qui non nisi Solis occafu lieroibus fuis facra faciebant.

“ Cum aciem de virtute nondum ex oculis fublatâ apud nos agitur, ecquis eft, Auditores, cui non mentem ftatim fubeat Vir ille egregius, multisqus nominibus colendus, qui fpatio vitae ultrà communem li. vendi conditionem protracto, er æqualibus fere superftes nec ingenio fuo acri et acto, nec fubtili judicio, nec reruin memorip, nec amori literarum, nec denique pietari in hanc domum eciamnum fuperfuit:-Ille, nimirùm, cui ariem exercenti Medicorum gens ad lurg vat omnis quem omnes in antiqua literaturâ versati imprimis habcn-quem

Phytici

Physici agnofcunt fuum. Talem virum et vivere, et valere, èt noftrum effe nobismet gratulari licet. Quid memorem Asa Collegii Medicorunt fnescio quo inalo fato intermifla) ipfo auctore primùm inftituta esse, ipfo duce incepta ? Aut quid collaudem aureas iftas observationes, non aliundè quam ex naturâ er experimento hauftas, quas ille in paginas iftas, tanquam in commune medicinæ ærarium conjecit? Sed me reprimo, ne rei captos dulcedine, in areâ tam late patenti nimis ulirà terminum excurram,

" Valeas ! itaque fortunate Senex, otioque literato, et doctorum hominum colloquiis, et vitæ quæ anteactæ recordatione dià perfruaris! infigne Medicis exemplum reli&urus, amplam dicendi materiam Oratori.” P. 13.

It is not easy to determine whether the justness of the sentiments, or the elegance of the Latiniry, be the more remarkable in this Oration ; both however appear in a degree very highly creditable to the writer, who himself affords an additional illustration of the precepts he enforces. In the apostrophe to Dr. Heberden, the “ Valeas ! itaque fortunate Senex," -, &c. is one of those passages which cannot be read without strong feeling of their pathetic energy. The praises bestowed through out derive peculiar force from their characteristic propriety, as well as the style in which they are expressed.

Art. XI. Considerations on the Coronation Oath, to maintain

the Protestant Reformed Religion, and the Settlement of the Church of England, as prescribed by Stat. I. W. and M.c.6. and Star. 5. Ann. C. 2. Second Edition, with Additions. By John Reeves, Esq. 8vo. 2s.6d. Wright. 1801.

TOW much the public attention is directed to the subject

discussed in this abie pamphler, is sufficiently appareni, from its having pailed through iwo editions in the thort interval of a fortnight. A most important question, involving every thing which can be supposed dear to an Englishman and a Protestant, is here discussed without any thing approaching to asperity, either against the Catholics as a party, or against any individual whatever. Neither will there be found any very strong declaration about the inexpediency of admitting the claims of the Catholics, any further than the obligation to preferve the law and constitution established in the time of King William.

The whole, indeed, may be considered as a law-argument, confined to statutes, the law of the land, the spirit and the

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letter of the constitution. The whole seems to turn upon the part which we shall quo!e. If this is not just, the rest muft fall to the ground. Let the reader therefore judge for him. , self.

« The infatuated conduct of King James confirmed all the apprehensions, that had been entertained of danger in a popish King. It was then seen, that some stronger measure must be taken, than any yet cried, for securing both church and ftate against this enemy to civil liberty. no less than to the practice of pure religion; an opportunity was offered by King James abdicating the throne, and leaving King William to take quiet possession of the supreme power. Now was the time for framing some fundamental constitutions of the realm, that should remain unalterable, and thus contribute to secure pofterity, as well as the present time, against the dangers of Popery, which had at last worn out the patience of Proteftants in the repeated struggle to maintain their religion and liber ies.

“ To make unalterable laws seems to be an impoffibility arising from the very omnipotence of parliament itself; for every succeeding legisla. ture has the same power to alter, that the former had to enact. But though the supreme power cannot be restrained in ability, those who exercise it may be withholden by the check of conscience. Fortunately for us, our conftitution is such, that the supreme power of the state is not lodged in any body or bodies of men, which, we may say without offence, are in their nature less likely to be influenced by such fanctions than one person ; but resides in the King, who makes and executes the law by the asistance of such advisers and counsellors as the usage of the realm has alligned him. The politicians of that day saw, ihat they had no way of securing unalterably the Protestant religion, nor any way of binding their posterity, but by binding the King, whose polirical character gave a sort of individuality to the nation; and who, in all fuccefsion of time, might set himself against every attempt that should be made, even by his ministers and parliament, to repeal the Protestant conftitution, which they then intended to fix for ever. They accordingly resolved to fipulate with the King, to bind himself in a folemn oath, at his Coronation, to do his utmost so to maintain it; and they resolved that the fame oath, being taken by every succeeding monarch, should operate as a renovation of the sentiments they wished to perpe. tuate; so that whatever changes might happen in the minds of minir. ters or parliaments, no desire of innovation, no coolness about the in. terests of the Church, or indifference about religion in general, in the advisers of the Crown, should be an excuse or a justification to the King for following their advice; but that he should, on all such occa. fions, recur only to the obligation of his own oath, and refuse all alterations, though suggested to him by the lawful advisers of the Crown, if they appeared to him, in his conscience, to be incompatible with is

“ This seems to have been the resolution of those great sen, who combined their counsels to form the settlement on King William ; and such seems to me, to be the only construction that can be put on this clause of the Coronation Cath, framed at that time. The Coronation Oath, as prescribed by Stai. l. W, and M.

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c. 6. BRIT, CRIT. VOL. XVII, MARCH, 1801.

c. 6. consists of four clauses. The first and second seem to me, to te. late only to what is called the King's Executive capacity; the third relates to his Legislative capacity; the fourth is a general engagement to observe the specific ones lie had before made. In the two first, he engages ļo carry on his government, conformably with the laws ale ready made; in the third, he engages to adhere to certain principles, in confenting to laws, that are ro he made. The former of these engagements was no other restraint than had exifted from the earliest times of our Constitution : our kings were always bound to govern according to the knoun laws of the realm ; but the latter was a reItriction, that had not before been imposed upon them. There had been notions entertained by fome, that our Kings were bound to pass such laws, as were agreed upon in Parliament; but this novel restriction called upon them to reject the laws offered to them by Parliament, if they appeared inconsistent with the folemn obligation of this Coronation Oath. This novel restriction was, however, confined to matters of religion only, which had been the recent cause of such uneasiness, and had been the immediate cause of the Revolution iilell.

" The following are the terms of the Oah; the two first clauses are administered by the Archhishop in these words :

« Will you jolemnly pri mise and swear in govern the people of this kingdom of England, and the dominions thereto belonging, according to the Slalutes in Parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs of the fame?

" Will you to your power, cause law and justice in mercy to be executed in all your judgments?

- The second branch of the engagement is administered to the King, by the Archbishop in these words: . "°Will you 10 the utmost of your power, maintain the laws of God, the true propulsion of the Gospel, and the Protestant reformed religion establish.d by law? And will you préserve unto the Bishops and Clergy of this Realm, and to the churches committed to their charge, all such rights and privileges as by law do, or shall appertain unto them, or any of them * -s "ihat this last clause relates to the power of the King, in making Jaws, and not to that of carrying them into execution, I think, is plain for two reafous : ift, As the two first clauses incontrovertibly relate to the Executive Government, which he engages to carry on, according to the Statutes in Parliament agreed on, and the laws and customs; and further, to cause law and justice in mercy to be executed; the church was as much within the benefit of these general engagements, as any other subject in the State ; and it would have been superfluous to fubjoin any special provision, if it went no further, than the general one. 2dly, If the words, Religion established by law, are to be conftrued as meaning, « laws that shall at any time be made” for the establishment of religion, it would, in the first place, go no further, than the general clause had before gone, and so would be without any particular effect; in the next place, the King might then afsent to one saw after another, so as to have, at last, no church left to maintain, and mighe thus, by his own act, dilburthen himself of the obligation he entered into for maintaining it; this would make the whole clause nugatory, and would reduce to a mere nothing, what has the appear. ance of having been penned with great anxiety, and for the purpose

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of placing the church under the protection of the King, in a more especial manner, than the State itself.

" I think, therefore, I am warranted in concluding from the word. ing, and fair construction of the whole, when compared together, that this clause lays upon the King an obligation to watch over any laws, that may be proposed to him by his Parliament, for alteration in church matters, with more conscientious solicitude, than he exercises on other occalions of legislation. In fact, the clause was so understood at the time; for, it appears, when it was under debate in the House of Commons, there was an amendment proposed, that instead of religion efablished by law; it fhould be worded, AS SHALL BE established by law; in order, say they who argued in support of this amendment, that the King may not be restrained by this Oath, from consenting to the alterations, which it was then in contemplation to make, for tole. rating Protellant Diflenters, in the free exercise of their religion : those, however, who were for the original motion, seem to have confi. dered this point as sufficiently saved to the King by the wording as it stood, and the amendment was accordingly thrown out. (See Grey's Debates, March 28, 1689.)

" I think, then, I am fully warranted, as well by the letter of the clause, as this history of its formation, to conclude, that its object was to bind the King, in the article of legislation, to maintain the church as established by law, at the time of his taking the Oath, and not merely to direct hiin in the execution of laws when made; though, I think, the words would not have their full force, and the evident design of the framers would be materially disappointed, if the Oath was not construed to comprehend every exercise of the royal function, where the interests of the church may be concerned. : .." In such manner, did the conductors of that great transaction, ftill dreading the dangers from which they had escaped, think it wife, and necessary to make more especial provision for maintaining the Proteltant Religion. They left the Sovereign in full, and unqualified posseflion of all the discretion, as well as the power, of assenting to Jaws in other cases, according to his judgment, and that of those who were his advisers: but in what related to the high matter of religion. they thought it prudent, and justifiable, to guard him againt the counsels of his lawful and conftitutional advisers, and to guard him, if poffible, even against himself; that in the waverings of his own mind. upon doubtful suggestions of expediency, he might have recourse to his conscience for support, and plead that, against every reason and argument that thould be urged to the contrary; fo that neither the fear of evil, nor the flattering prospect of any specious good, should prevail with him, upon temporary considerations, to compromise the permaneni interests committed to his charge; but that he should be able to say to his advisers, whether they are his ministers, or his par. liament: Our forefathers have left you to advise and to act according to the best of your judgment, they have imposed no Oaths upon you to maintain the church, more than the State; they have thought fit to bind me, as none of my subjects are bound; I cannot consent to a measure, that I think so contrary to my engagement; whatever comes of

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