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confequence of this ftep. Mexico was deprived of all its fup plies, and a moft dreadful famine took place, and carried off the inhabitants by thoufands. It now became neceffary for Guatimotzin to escape from the city, and try his fortune on other ground: he was intercepted, and taken prifoner; and with him fell the Mexican empire, never more to rife! With the account of his reception by Cortes, we thall close our extracts from this fascinating work.

"Cortes alfo prepared a table with refreshments, to receive his prifoners. As foon as they appeared, he went forward to meet them, and embracing Guatimotzin, treated him and all his attendants with every mark of refpect. The unfortunate monarch, with tears in his eyes, and finking under affliction, then addreffed him in the following words. "Malintzin! I have done that which was my duty in the defence of my kingdom and people; my efforts have failed, and being now brought by force a prifoner in your hands, draw that poinard from your fide, and ftab me to the heart." Cortes embraced, and ufed every expreffion to comfort him, by affurances that he held him in high eftimation for the valour and firmnefs he had fhewn, and that he had required a fubmiffion from him and the people at the time that they could no longer reasonably hope for fuccefs, in order to prevent further deftruction; but that was all paft, and no more to be thought of; he fhould continue to reign over the people, as he had done before," P. 311.

The manner in which this deteftable hypocrite kept his promifes, was by inflantly permitting the Monarch to be thrown, bound hand and foot, upon live coals, for a fraud of which he alone was palpably guilty; and, foon after, dragging him into a remote part of the country, and hanging him like a dog on a tree by the road fide. Guatimotzin's last words were: "Ma lintzin! (fo the Mexicans called Cortes) now I find in what your falfe words and promifes have ended-Why do you thus unjuftly take my life? May God demand of you this innocent blood!" P. 405. Certainly if, as Dr. Robertfon fays, Cortes has been admired and celebrated by paft ages, it is time that jufter fentiments fhould take their turn, and that he should be devoted to the fcorn and execration of pofterity!.

To return to the author. He continues his amufing narrative, through many fucceeding pages, with unabated interest. How it has happened that the cold, declamatory, and faithlefs narrative of Antonio Del Solis fhould be naturalized in this country, while the invaluable pages of this honest veteran were only known by Dr. Robertfon's extracts, we cannot take upon us to fay. Poffibly the rudeness of the ftyle might repel the common reader; and, indeed, it required much knowledge of the Spanish tongue to fit the author for an English ear. This knowledge, however, the ingenious tranflator poffeffes in an

eminent

eminent degree; and, while we warmly recommend the "True Hiftory of the Conqueft of Mexico" to the notice of our readers, we cannot refufe our tribute of applause to the fidelity, fpirit, dexterity, and judgment, with which fo important a work has been finally made our own.

ART. VII. A Letter to ***********, Efq. on Buonaparte's Propofals for opening a Negociation for Peace; in which the British Guarantee of the Crown of France to the Houfe of Bourbon, contained in the Triple and Quadruple Alliances, and renewed by the Treaty of 1783, is confidered; together with the Conduct of our national Parties relating to it. By J. Brand, Cl. M. A. Sc. c. 8vo. 85 pp. 2s. Rivingtons. &c, ιδορ.

WHETHER, in the various revolutions that may still take

place in France, an opportunity will arife for the interpofition of Great Britain to restore a lawful government to that country, is beyond the reach of human forefight; but that we have a right, nay, that it would be our duty, if circumstances favoured fuch a measure, to fupport the caufe of the unfortu nate House of Bourbon, is, we think, incontrovertibly eftablifhed by Mr. Brand, in the tract before us.

After fome acute and juft obfervations on the probable sincerity of Bonaparte, in his pacific meffage, and the neceffity, which his fituation feems to impofe, of foreign war, the author combats the affertion, which is fo ftrongly urged by the oppofers of government, and admitted by many of its fupporters, that the reftoration of the monarchy of France is a measure to which we were "called by no obligation, for which no British intereft can be pretended." The argument by which he opposes this doctrine we will state in his own words.

"The moralifts tell us, that there is the fame moral relation between one people and another, as between man and man: that it is a national crime to plead intereft against an exprefs fpecific national compact, when the cafus fœderis takes place: and that the crime is much aggravated, when the article of the compact is matter of fpecial moral obligation, antecedent to the formal agreement. As, for instance, when one nation having received a high benefit from another, binds itself by a written compact, in cafe of neceffity, to return that benefit. And it is by fuch an obligation that we were bound, at the commencement of

the

the war, to affift by arms in the restoration of the houfe of Bourbon, no extreme neceffity, moral or phyfical, reftraining us.

"Nothing can be more clear than that we are under an exprefs obligation of this kind: this I will first show; and, afterwards, that it is of the higher or moral nature defcribed.

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By the fecond article of the laft definitive treaty with France, dated September 3, 1783, "the triple alliance of the Hague of 1717, and the quadruple alliance of London, 1718," (with other treaties therein fpecified) are declared to ferve as the bafis of that treaty; and for this purpofe, they were both renewed and confirmed in the best farm"." "Thefe treaties, therefore, were in full force when the unfortunate Louis XVI. was formally depofed. The Proteftant fucceffion to the throne of Great Britain, and that of France in the defcendants of the French branch of the houfe of Bourbon, had been recognised by the fovereigns of the two kingdoms mutually, at the treaty of Utrecht: but by the feventh article of the triple alliance of 1717, it is ftipulated, that if the kingdoms (of France or England) be difturbed by intef tine quarrels, or by rebellions on account of the faid fucceffions, or under any other pretence whatever, the ally thus in trouble fhall have full right to demand the fuccours therein above-mentioned," that is to fay, France or England was to furnish 8c00 foot and 2000 horfe, each to the other, on fuch demand. And by the fourth article of the quadruple alliance, figned in 1718, to which England, France, Holland, and THE EMPEROR were parties, England and the two other powers promife to guarantee and defend the right of fucceffion to the kingdom of France against all perfons whatsoever, who may prefume to disturb the order of the jaid juceffim."

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"Thus at the laft treaty of peace with a king of France, and fubfifting at the time of his depofition, we "renewed and confirmed in the best form," a specific engagement to fuccour him on demand, with a force of 10,000 men againft all" rebellions;" excited under any pretence whatsoever." A right to which aid, by our act, remained in him as long as the treaty fubfifted. And his helpless fituation, cut off from the poffibility of appealing to the faith then given him, was the moft folemn of demands.' P. 17.

Mr. Brand then proceeds to fhow that," without fpecial compact, this aid was a debt from this country to that unfortunate monarch; and therefore, not having been difcharged, remains exigible by his heir, whenever it can be effectively paid to him." To prove this affertion, he ftates the circumtances under which the triple and quadruple alliances were made, from which it appears, that all the immediate ad

« New Annual Regifter, 1783, Public Papers, p. 99.

"Mr. Burke's Three Memorials on French Affairs, Appendix, note by editor: the letter-writer has long expected a much more important difcuffion of thefe articles than he is able to give: but as he looks upon the occafion of it to be gone by, he applies them to a ftill remaining use."

vantage

vantage of the mutual guarantee was on the fide of Great Britain; he also adverts to the conduct of France in the year 1717, and infers,

"that the folemn adoption of the whole of both the treaties in that fubfiting with the unfortunate Louis, strictly obliged us, at the time of his depofition and imprisonment, to have concurred with the ftipulated force in an attempt for his preservation and restoration, or placing his fucceffor on the throne after he was murdered.”

On the fame ground (of the quadruple alliance) the Em

peror,

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being obliged to take arms to fuccour the King on an actual attack, the fpirit of his obligation called upon him to keep his preparations in the fame ftate of forwardnefs with those of the confpirators; and he was in full right to form alliances for that purpose."

Our space will not permit a detail of the arguments by which this pofition is fupported, and the objections to it refuted. That objection which arifes from the conduct of France during the American war is fully difcuffed, and particular ftrefs is laid on the folemn renewal of the treaties of 1717 and 1718 by that of 1783, the preliminary articles of which were never, on that ground, objected to by Mr. Fox; who afterwards (when Miniiter) included that guarantee in the definitive treaty. On the conduct of that gentleman, in now attemping to procure a parliamentary declaration contrary to that guarantee, there are fome striking, and, to our apprehenfion, unanfwerable remarks. The author alfo replies at large to thofe who urge,

that

"the ambition and infidious policy of the Princes of the Houfe of Bourbon furnish the cleareft demonftration, that the interest of Great Britain can never be promoted by their restoration to the monarchy of France.”

In this part he shows the ftrong ground there is for the opinion of thofe who have argued, that the rulers of the Re-, public have been conftantly incapable of maintaining the rela tions of amity with other ftates." This train of argument naturally brings him to an examination of the character and conduct of Bonaparte; to whom the confular conftitution has given an authority, much greater than that of the depofed directory," and whofe character will therefore be more fully impreffed on the measures pursued by the Republic. The inference deduced from this detail is, that

"it is not only defenfible, but neceffary and right, to call the friends of their country to look with folicitous apprehenfion to the events of a peace, figned by the fame hand, which guaranteed the ftates of Ve-,

nice and Genoa, and, almoft before the ink of the fubfcription was dry, fubfcribed the inftruments of their annihilation."

This topic is enlarged upon with ability, and concludes this ingenious and interesting Letter.

Although we do not, perhaps, go the whole length of Mr. Brand's reafonings on this important queftion, nor adopt his conclufions to their full extent, yet we think he has fhown, by convincing arguments, that the reltoration of the Bourbons, far from being an unjustifiable object to Great Britain, was required both by good faith and found policy, had it been practicable; and that a peace with the prefent government of France, if haftily and incautiously made, might be attended with ftill greater evils than are likely to arife from the further continu

ance of war.

ART. VIII. Maurice's Indian Antiquities. Vol. VII.
(Concluded from our last, p. 117.)

AFTER having prefented to the view of his readers the pic

ture of the wealth of India, and the magnificence of its kings, before its palaces and pagodas were plundered by Mohammedan ufurpers; a picture, juftified by the united accounts of ancient writers who have treated concerning that remote region, and the neceffary confequence of the immenfe commerce carried on with its inhabitants by those of the rich empires that on every fide environed it, Mr. Maurice proceeds to give a general view of its Literature, and of the Arts and Sciences that flourished among the Indians in those very early periods. Without a confiderable advance in fcientific attainments, he justly obferves, many of the rich manufactures of India, and fome of the articles of higheft requeft in commerce could not have been fabricated. The diamond of Golconda could not have received its polifh, nor the gold and ivory of its fplendid marts have been wrought into thofe elegant forms that gave luftre and beauty to the cabinets of Afiatic Princes; Architecture in India could not have raised her head with fuch fublime grandeur, as is visible in their pagodas; Geometry could not have formed those vaft and regular tanks that every where abound in India; nor Aftronomy have constructed those amazing cycles which, by trench fceptics, have been so falfely vaunted as fubverfive of the Mofaic and Chriftian chronology. Un

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