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tion and wants, and did so, after a most elaborate investigation. And yet, during those thirty years, not one single word has been uttered in their behalf in the House of Commons; nor has any Minister found time, or possessed patience enough to address himself to the subject. This could not have happened had the Scottish Universities been represented like those of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin. Moreover, this denial of the franchise was of itself an indignity, almost amounting to an imputation that the learning of Scotland was not sufficiently high to entitle it to be heard in the great council of the nation. We hope the time is at hand when that reproach may be wiped away, being fully assured that nothing can tend more forcibly to promote the spread of education, and the standard of learning, than a distinct recognition by the State.

One only point remains to be noticed; and regarding it there is no difference of opinion. The smaller Universities of Scotland are at least tolerably endowed, and Glasgow may be said to be wealthy. But, in Edinburgh, the endowments of the Chairs are miserably small. Now we do not advocate large endowments. We believe that Professors will work all the better if they are made to depend for the greater part of their emoluments upon the class fees; and moreover, we hold that the surest test of the efficiency of a Professor is the number of students he can attract. But there are some Chairs which, owing to their nature, never can prove attractive, and which yet are indispensable to a university. Such, for example, are the Chairs of Hebrew and Civil Law, from both of which regular instruction is given, but which are not, and never can be, self-sustaining. These Chairs cannot be competently filled except by men of great learning and industry, and yet the emoluments of each from all sources seldom exceed the pittance of £200 per annum. We also know that there are three other Chairstwo belonging to the Faculty of Medicine, and one to the Faculty of Arts, and included in the curriculum --which, though regularly and most

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ably conducted, are not of greater annual value than £300. It is not creditable to the State that literature and science, when enlisted in the public service, should be starved; and the Royal Commissioners, who were nominated so far back as 1826, were most strong in their recommendation of a supplementary endowment. Money can be found to buy pictures, and to erect galleries; but not to maintain the men who are intrusted with the higher education of the country. And yet, whenever no pressing political question occupies the attention of the country, public men, of all parties, make stock of the subject of education! In Scotland, at least, we have had quite enough of professionwe now desiderate something tangible. A red Indian would say, "the talk of my brother is good, but talk does not make the maize to grow; and the red Indian's sagacity is perfect. Professors in the Universities of Scotland are, for the most part, servants of the State; and no more is asked than that the State should deal with them as it does with other public servants. It deals with them now as if the higher education of the country was of no consequence whatever. We shall, however, state our views. No man in the situation of an Edinburgh Professor, who really teaches a class, should have less than £500 a-year-we do not mean of endowment, but of income from the Chair; and it would be quite easy to ascertain, by taking an average for a few years, what sum would be required to raise the emoluments to such a point. We have specified £500 as the minimum, because that, in Edinburgh, affords but a modest livelihood, equivalent perhaps to £400 at the smaller Universities, to which point the emoluments of the Professors there should in like manner be raised. A very moderate grant from Government would accomplish all that we desire; and when we remember that some of these poorer Chairs have been founded by the Crown, and are in its gift, surely it is not too much to expect that they should at least be decently supported. But the fact is, that the State is not entitled to refuse consideration and assistance to the Scot

tish Universities. Their maintenance in all time coming was made a special stipulation in the Treaty of Union, and, even in the cases where the Crown has parted with its direct patronage, it has done so by way of delegation, not of renunciation, and it still must be regarded as at least parentally liable. This is a matter not affecting Scotland alone, but of serious importance to the learned men of England. We have received many valuable accessions to our Professorial staff from the sister country, and the vacancy of a Chair in Edinburgh or Glasgow invites candidates from every part of Great Britain. But if a Chair does not afford the bare means of livelihood, how can we expect men of real talent to offer for it?

Also, it would be most desirable if some provision could be made for retiring allowances to Professors in their old age. Nothing is more detrimental to a University than the continuance in office of men whose mental powers are exhausted, and who yet are compelled to go on, because their profession has been so unremunerative as to preclude the possibility of saving. We provide retiring allowances to Judges of all grades-why not also to Professors, who have spent their lives in the discharge of functions which, if properly considered, are almost as important to the public as the more prominent services of the others?

The subject which we have essay

ed to deal with is a very large one, and hardly admits of adequate treatment within the compass of a single article. It is possible, nay highly probable, that some of the views which we have expressed may be fiercely challenged, because there are zealots in the field whose minds are already made up, and who are obstinate against conviction. But what we have said has at least the merit of being uttered honestly, and we have made ourselves tolerably well acquainted with the system before venturing into the discussion. Much more we might have advanced regarding the general position and efficacy of our Universities, which some pseudo-reformers, no doubt with the best of intentions, have done their utmost to decry, thereby engendering the idea, amongst those who know us not, that the teaching in our Universities is of a poor and unsatisfactory kind. A broad denial is all that we shall give in reply to such an utterly unfounded assertion. It will be seen, by those who take the trouble of perusing the foregoing pages, that we are by no means insensible to the deficiencies which do exist, and that we have been earnest in devising a remedy; and we now dismiss the subject which we have approached with no other intent than that of suggesting such improvements as may, if carried out, render our time-honoured institutions as efficacious as those which any other country in wide Europe can display.

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[The following narrative has been sent us from Lahore.]

THE year 1857-a year rendered memorable in the annals of British India for a rebellion before which the mutinies of Vellore in 1806, and of Barrackpore in 1824, dwindle into political insignificance was but a few weeks old when the first mutterings of the approaching storm were heard in different parts of India. In the North-west Provinces it was discovered that chupattees + were being circulated from village to village in a somewhat mysterious manner. One district officer, especially, witnessed the arrival of a chupatteeladen messenger in a village, and observed him breaking it into pieces and distributing portions among the male population, assigning the largest piece to the zemindar or head man of the village. On making inquiry as to the meaning of this act, he was told that an old custom existed in Hindostan, that when their malek or chief required any service of them, he adopted this mode to prepare the country for receiving his orders, and every one who partook of the chupattee was held pledged to obey the order whenever it might come, or whatever it might be. What the nature of the order in the present case would be, the zemindar said, with a suspicious smile, was not yet known to them. In other districts similar circumstances were observed and duly notified; but the progress of chupattees from village to village (each village receiving one being bound to make and pass on a similar one to its neighbour village) appeared to be without any uniform plan, sometimes assuming a northerly, sometimes a southerly or westerly

direction. Yet all this indicated some secret movement. Inquiries were instituted in various parts, but nothing of a definite or tangible character was elicited. It was, moreover, remembered that, some fifty years before,§ a similar practice had been discovered in Central India, and an anxious endeavour made to detect the object, but in vain. And as nothing had apparently resulted from it then, the hope was entertained that in the present instance it might turn out to be equally meaningless, or probably some superstitious spell against disease (the cholera having devastated some parts of the country during the preceding autumn), or, at all events, might prove to be devoid of any political meaning. How little was it thought that therein was really hidden an Eastern symbol of portentous import! Five centuries before, the Chinese had, by a similar plan, organised and carried out a conspiracy by which the dynasty of their Mongol invaders was overthrown; and it now imported no less than the hope and attempt to annihilate the English race in India, and to restore to the effete house of Timour the sovereignty of Hindostan !

Nor were other indications wanting that a great struggle was impending between the Mohammedans and their Christian rulers. On the very walls of Delhi were occasionally seen placards, some ambiguously hinting at a general rebellion, others openly calling on the "followers of the Prophet" to exterminate the unbelievers. From without, too, it was clear that influence was being exerted. In the

*Poorbeah: native of Eastern countries-those lying on the east of the Ganges, from which the Sepoys chiefly came, and who were, therefore, popularly known in the Punjab and in Western India as "Poorbeahs."

+Chupattees are a preparation of flour and water in the form of pancakes, constituting the chief food of the natives of India.

+ Subsequent knowledge may enable us to explain this seeming variation, by tracing them all from the one common centre, the imperial city.

§ KAYE'S Life of Sir John Malcolm.

GABET and Huc's Travels in Tartary, &c., in 1844, chap. iii. The event is still celebrated among the Chinese, under the name of the "Feast of the Moon Loaves."

captured tent of the Shahzada commander, after the rout of the Persians at Mohumrah, had been found a royal proclamation, a sort of politico-religious encyclical letter from the Shah - in - Shah, the recognised head of the Faithful in the East. It was addressed "to all the people of Heran;" but it also called on "the Affghan tribes, and the inhabitants of that country who are coreligionists of the Persians, and who possess the same Quran, and Kibla, and laws of the Prophet, to take part in the Jahad;" and it purported, moreover, to be "published for the information of all true believers; and (please God) the followers of Islam in India and Scinde will also unite and take vengeance on that tribe [the British] for all the injuries which the Holy Faith has suffered from them, and will not withhold any sacrifice in the holy cause." What form their vengeance was to assume, and to what extent their zeal was to be carried, the Shah-in-Shah shall himself explain : "Let the old and the young, the small and the great, the wise and the ignorant, the Ryot and the Sepoy, all without exception, arise in defence of the orthodox faith of the Prophet; and having girt up the waist of valour, adorn their persons with arms and weapons; and let the Ullema and preachers call on the people in the mosques and public assemblies, and in the pulpits, to join in a Jahad, in the cause of God; and thus shall the Ghazis [martyrs] in the cause of the faith have a just title to the promises contained in the words of the Prophet, Verily we are of those who fought in the cause of God.""

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But in the Bengal army were men of other creeds. In the regular infantry regiments the Mohammedans formed a very small minority, and in the cavalry even were scarcely more numerous than the Hindoos. Yet the Hindoo Sepoy had also to be won over to insure success to the conspiracy. Yet its real ulterior object could not be safely confided to

men who doubtless knew enough of the past history of their race and country to remember that the most ruthless tyranny and injustice had marked the days of former Mohammedan supremacy. To attain this end it was necessary to find some common grievance which might plausibly unite Hindoo and Mohammedan in a joint resistance to their British rulers. Most unfortunately, Government furnished them with one admirably suited to their purpose. In spite of warnings from various quarters, from the early remonstrance of the late Adjutant-General (Colonel H. T. Tucker, C.B.) against the impolicy of such a step, to the official representation made by Captain Martineau, the Adjutant to the Umballa musketry depot, to the Commanderin-chief in the end of last April-in spite of many such warnings, the Enfield rifle was to be introduced into the native army, as well as the European portion of our troops. With the Enfield rifle came of necessity the new cartridge. Here was at once the grievance needed. The shining paper and greased end of the cartridge were certainly open to suspicion; and it needed little persuasion on the part of crafty designing men to make the ignorant, superstitious, caste-ridden Sepoy believe that some forbidden fat was used in its manufacture. The cow, sacred to the Hindoo, and the pig, unclean and loathsome to the Mohammedan, must both, it was insinuated, have contributed their share to the grease used in the obnoxious paper. Thus, under the idea that an attack was being meditated on their religious prejudices, the great mass of the Hindoo Sepoys were caught in the trap laid for them by the wily Mohammedan, who himself also could find, or pretend to find, in the same cartridge with its fancied odour of forbidden pig's fat, a religious motive for rebellion, under which the real political motive was cunningly kept out of sight.*

The cry thus once raised soon be

Among the hundreds of Sepoys' letters intercepted in the post-offices of the Punjab, the greased cartridge was almost universally the burden of their tale. Here and there some writer, more deeply versed in the character of the conspiracy, hinted at the real motive--the downfall of British power; but it is probable that

came general: the greased cartridge was to be bitten, and thereby caste broken, as a step towards a compulsory wholesale conversion to Christianity. Such was the lever by which the great mass of the native army were so successfully set in motion.

Can there be any longer a doubt that such was the real history of the mutiny? The greased cartridge was in reality only a trap to catch the Hindoo, and a pretext for the Mohammedan: it no more originated this mutiny than the new head-dress with the leather peak, and the prohibition of caste-mark on parade, had instigated that of Vellore in 1806. The restoration of the house of Tippoo Sultan to the throne of Mysore was the real object then-as it now was to revive the grandeur of the Mogul empire in the person of the Roi Fainéant, whom we had "allowed to play at being a sovereign" in Delhi. There was, however, this difference the Vellore prisoners were of a race but of yesterday, the grandsons of an unscrupulous freebooter, -for such was Hyder Ali, whose father had been a naik† in the ranks of a petty Mysore chief; whereas around the head of the sensual imbecile puppet, who in pensioned pomp was permitted to occupy the Musnud at Delhi, centred the glory of ages, the traditional splendour of Timour, and Baber, and Akbar.

How far the King of Oude was originally involved in this mutiny is probably known only to the Supreme Government; and until the public are in possession of the necessary documents for elucidating that State mystery, it would be idle to offer any conjectures. That he became party to it in its matured form there can be no doubt. His arrest, and that of his chief personal attendants, proves that grave suspicions, at least of complicity, attached to the Luck

now faction. Although the recent elevation of his family, as nominees of the British Government, would obtain for him a questionable welcome, and give him but little weight in the counsels of the representative of the Great Mogul, still his influence, as the king of that tract of country from which the great body of our Sepoys come, would doubtless make him worth attaching to the cause, with the hope that, on its success, his pension and state of surveillance should be exchanged for the revived Soubah of Oude under the re-established empire of Hindostan.

It is not improbable that a similar bribe drew into the conspiracy the other richly-pensioned representative of a fallen house, the Nawab of Bengal, the descendant of Surajah Dowlah, who has been immortalised by the pen of Macaulay as the hero of the Black Hole and the Victim of Plassey.

Such is believed to have been, notwithstanding the greater prominence given to the Cartridge Question," the real origin and character of a rebellion which has shaken India to its centre, and for a time imperilled the very existence of British rule in the East.

The first tidings of the mutiny of the troops at Meerut, and their advance on Delhi, reached Lahore on the morning of the 11th of May, in so hurried and vague a form, however, that there was still reason to hope they might prove an exaggeration. But a telegraphic message on the following morning shut out all such hope; it more than confirmed the rumour of the day before: its purport was that mutiny had indeed broken out, followed by a fiendish massacre at Meerut, only to be exceeded in atrocity by the subsequent proceedings at Delhi, where it was believed that every Christian-every indivi

the correspondence of the leaders in the rebellion was not intrusted to the public post, but conveyed by private hands, such as faqueers and pretended beggars, who were really disguised traitors.

*Macaulay's speech on the government of India, 10th July 1833.

A naik is the lowest non-commissioned native officer in an infantry regiment, equivalent to our rank of " corporal."

The speech of one Major Bird, a pensioner of the Indian Government, and a paid agent of the Oude family, so freely commented on by the public press, removes all doubt on that head.

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