deserved well of their Prince and their country, shared the same fate. If the penalties which the Court of Censorship or its public officers inflicted in the same eager spirit of envy and cupidity, be added to the proscription, it will be easy to imagine the sum total of the punished and oppressed. But very few were exempt of those who had benefited by the amnesty of 1846; many, in fact, had taken part in the revolution, but others were punished in an equal degree, only because they had accepted some office or had entered into the army; such a one, because he had been sent out of Italy as an ambassador by the Republic; another, because he had executed the orders of the Government whilst administering the affairs of a province. By degrees it was construed into a crime, and punished with the loss of rank and office to have fought in the War of Independence beyond the Po; to have taken part in the meetings permitted or tolerated by the Pontifical Government itself; to have abused the liberty of the Press, when by law it was free. And this was the Amnesty.

Certain casuists, I will not call them moralists, intent on justifying those princes and potentates, who, never recollecting the promises they had made, the injury they were causing by breaking them, or the perilous example they were setting their people, had taken back the franchises they had sworn to bestow, or with solemn words (which at the bar of an honest conscience means the same thing) had sanctioned-certain casuists, I say, have invented a new rule of conscience, which they call moral compulsion, and pamphlets and journals

are full of arguments, in which, by virtue of this rule, they not only absolve the perjured great, lying potentates, and illustrious hypocrites, but even bless and sanctify their acts without exception, and condemn the people without mercy. Nor do they impute this moral compulsion of princes to the flagrant excesses of the people alone, to violence, menaces, and tumults, but also to petitions, to festivals, to applause; to the examples set by other princes, other nations; to the universal movements throughout Europe; nay, they would even say, to Providence itself. Meantime, they unmercifully condemn to the galleys many humble citizens, on whose minds not whose minds not only those compulsions which influence the minds of princes, but the example also of the princes themselves must have had an influence to impel them to innovations. And yet the powerful might have resisted with armies, and ought to have faced any evil rather than act contrary to their consciences; and private individuals rested with confidence on the example of their princes, on the sanctity of an oath, or on a promise made with all the appearances of spontaneity! And yet when the Prince had departed from Rome, and abandoned the State to the mercy of faction and of chance, and when the people required to be governed, and the citizens to be ruled with the least possible evil, it was incumbent on all those who were not restrained by peculiar obligations, to exert themselves to temper the evil if not to advance good! And yet these cardinals and prelates, clergy and princes, nobles and courtiers, who, besides foreigners, called the casuists to their aid, that

they might vent their rage against the great mass of the citizens, had not only sung the praises of liberty, blessed Italy, received the applause of the people, and assisted in intoxicating them, but had been the first to let them loose, and if they had examined into the depths of their consciences, might have recognised in themselves the promoters, authors, and abettors of all this confusion! But, alas! it is only too well known, that no rule of justice or morality governs the factions which triumph, and the restoration of the Pope having taken place with the violence which I have described, and republican resistance having offended the Pope and the Cardinals, the clergy and their followers of every class, the vengeance which had been nourished in exile, amidst suspicion and fear, took up its seat in Rome, and the government of the Restoration was as blind as had been that of the Revolution.

Cardinal Vannicelli, who, in the Triumvirate, presided over the Police department, because he had once been Governor of Rome, did not find sufficient employment for his talents in seeking out fresh offences against the State, religion and its ministers, public and private security, but dived with peculiar pleasure and diligence into the archives, and into his own heart, which was of itself an archive of suspicion, and fished up thence all the notes and memoranda which appertained to the Gregorian reign, that by their aid he might oppress, in some way or other, all those who had been absolved by the amnesty of 1846, or those suspected persons who could not be dragged into the category of proscription. Whilst the Triumvirs worked so hard at these labours,

they did not forget to reimpose all the old taxes and imposts, the farming of the duties, and the so-called protective tariffs; the tolls at the barriers, the fines, the regulations, and all the vexatious and severe police arrangements,-in short, all the vices of the old Administration, and with them all the old administrators. Monsignor Savelli also restored the punishment of the cavaletto, that is, of the stick, in prisons, and the French soldiers, who had already given him their aid in besieging the Ghetto, were present in arms at the first example which was given at Cività Vecchia. The Cardinals, who were very mistrustful, perhaps with good reason, of the troops which still remained under their banners, took away the command of them from the French generals, and gave the Ministry of War to Prince Orsini, who was entirely ignorant of military science, and of military administration. He was a proud and ambitious man, who had not been ashamed, a year before, to seek popular honours and favours by means of one of his intimate friends, who was diligent in his attendance on liberal meetings, and courted the Liberal ministry. All the few residuary troops were discharged by these means, and by this individual, and even the corps of the Carabineers, which was the only one that was respectable in point of discipline, was also disbanded. But the Motu proprio of Portici, and the manifesto on the Amnesty, which were lauded in France, were torn to pieces in Rome, daubed with mud, and received with loud menaces and imprecations. The Mazzinians alone turned them to account, for it was to their advantage that the people should not

be favoured with a civil and humane government; even the Puritans of the clerical party complained also, because they could not bear these shadows of Consultative colleges, which impaired the pure supremacy of the old Congregations. Compared with these Puritans, of whom, in the College of Cardinals, the two Triumvirs, Della Genga and Vannicelli, were the representatives, Cardinal Antonelli, though, on other accounts he was hated and envied, cut the figure of a dangerous Liberal; therefore the French Ambassadors, fearful of greater excesses, associated themselves with him, and spoke in his praise; and he succeeded in gaining for himself, to an astonishing degree, a reputation amongst foreigners, whilst he gave to the people a taste of the government and the temper of the Cardinals, his rivals.