Henry J. Raymond and the New York Press, for Thirty Years: Progress of American Journalism from 1840 to 1870 |
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action American Applause asserted authority believe character citizens columns Congress conservatism Constitution convention Courier and Enquirer daily declared delegates disunion duty editor election established existence favor Federal Government feeling friends gentleman give Greeley Henry Henry Jarvis Raymond Henry Ward Beecher Herald Herschel honor hope Horace Greeley human hundred important James James Gordon Bennett James Watson Webb Journal labor Legnago letter liberty Lima live Mantua ment miles Mincio Missouri Compromise moral nation nature never newspaper North Northern opinion paper party passed passion Philadelphia Convention political present President Press principles prohibited purpose question Raymond readers regard Republican Republican party secession sentiment slave-trade slaveholding interest slavery slaves social society South Carolina Southern speech spirit territories tion to-day Tribune Union United Virginia vote Webb Whig whole words York Zeitung
Popular passages
Page 475 - Lords and Commons of England, consider what nation it is whereof ye are and whereof ye are the governors : a nation not slow and dull, but of a quick, ingenious, and piercing spirit, acute to invent, subtle and sinewy to discourse, not beneath the reach of any point the highest that human capacity can soar to.
Page 321 - Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our. National Union and the perpetuity of popular government and to redress wrongs already long enough endured.
Page 122 - Congress, the Act known as the Fugitive Slave Law included, are received and acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States as a settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace...
Page 387 - He never would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually varying with the appearance...
Page 373 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States...
Page 387 - Let every State import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their particular interest.
Page 450 - The third restriction upon the power of amendment is, that no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.
Page 365 - WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.
Page 397 - He said, however, that if it was to be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further, and free those already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia and Maryland, that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and Georgia. Let us not intermeddle.
Page 391 - In the second place, slaves weakened one part of the Union which the other parts were bound to protect; the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the Revolution and dishonorable to the American character to have such a feature in the Constitution.