THE CHURCH MAGAZINE. No. 9.] SEPTEMBER, 1839. [VOL. I. MEMOIR OF THE REV. H. STOWELL, M.A., The Rev. Hugh Stowell, is a native of the Isle of Man. His late highly esteemed father, who died some three or four years ago, was the Rector of the Parish of Ballaugh, in that island, and the author of the Life of the Right Reverend Dr. Thomas Wilson, Lord Bishop of Sodor and Man. The subject of this Memoir was born in the month of December, 1799; and after the usual course of preparatory studies was sent to St. Edmund's Hall, Oxford. Having taken his degree, he was ordained to the sacred office and work of the Ministry, on the 26th of December, 1823, by the late Right Rev. Dr. Ryder, then Lord Bishop of Gloucester, but afterwards of Lichfield and Coventry, and appointed to the Curacy of Shepscombe, near Painswick, in the Diocese of Gloucester. His stay, in this parish was only about three months, when he removed to the Curacy of Trinity Church, Huddersfield, where he remained about two years. He then accepted of the Curacy of St. Stephen's, Salford, where he became so popular as a preacher, and so highly esteemed as a devoted and laborious pastor, that in the fear of losing him amidst the many invitations to other, and in a pecuniary point of view, far more valuable spheres of labour, a number of his parishioners and admirers subscribed a handsome sum of money, and built for him Christ's Church, Salford, of which he is the Incumbent. This new and handsome edifice is the first that was consecrated under the authority of the recent Act of Parliament, which, for the encouragement of building churches, gives the right of nomination in perpetuity to the persons erecting them, providing, when the number of subscribers be above five, that the patronage be vested in that number of trustees, chosen in the first instance from the subscribers and filled up on every vacancy afterwards, we believe, by the remaining trustees and the Incumbent conjointly. Such an impulse did this act of the legislature give to church building, that a large number of churches immediately sprang up in various necessitous parts of the country, but especially in the more thickly populated districts of Lancashire and Yorkshire, where an appalling amount of spiritual destitution still unhappily exists. Mr. Stowell's course of public life is so well known in Manchester, and throughout the country, in almost every part of which he has been heard with so much attention and profit, that any lengthened remarks here seem quite unnecessary. As a preacher, he possesses the enviable talent of being able to address, with great power and effect, every description of hearers. Persons of high literary attainments, who have heard him only on a single occasion, have been struck with admiration at the great powers of mind which he displays in rendering his discourses instructive and profitable, equally to the humble and illiterate as to those of superior education and refinement. NO. IX. VOL. I. 2 A Such is the grasp with which he lays hold of an idea, and the facility which he possesses of communicating the treasures of his well-stored mind to the multitudes who are riveted by his simplicity of language and fervency of appeal that he was once compared by one who had heard him at Bristol, and was well qualified to judge, to what has generally been imagined of the late Robert Hall, the well known dissenting teacher, who long resided in that city. Nor is the Reverend Gentleman less effective as an orator on the platform than in the pulpit. Not unfrequently has he displayed, even in a tumultuous meeting of the most violent opponents to its proceedings, such ability and adroitness, suavity and affection of manner, that, as oil cast on the troubled waters, the turbulence of human passions has been restrained by the power of his eloquence, and not only the patient hearing, but even the bursts of approbation have been thereby elicited from enemies whose principles and objects he had unflinchingly exposed and denounced. An illustration. of this, which he furnished at a recent meeting at Exeter Hall, will not easily be forgotten by those who were present. For nearly two hours he addressed the excited multitude, and by his power and eloquence restrained, and ultimately succeeded in subduing their angry feelings; and not a few of the very persons who were at first violently opposed to the objects of the meeting, were at last compelled to join in the general applause. But great as Mr. Stowell undoubtedly is as a preacher and public speaker, from all that we have heard of him, his character as a laborious pastor and private Christian is also highly estimable. He speaks not less powerfully by his example than by his tongue; and numerous are the poor and the afflicted who can bear testimony to his kindness in the hour of their temporal and spiritual need. With his schools, district visiting societies, and other institutions, conducted for the welfare of his flock, no parish or district presents a more interesting specimen of the incalculable blessings of our National Church. Beyond a few sermons, Mr. Stowell has not published any thing except a volume of poetry, entitled "The Pleasures of Religion." We regret that want of space prevents our giving a few extracts from this valuable work; as a specimen, however, of his poetical talent we close this brief sketch with the following beautiful hymn, composed by him for one of the Anniversaries of his Sunday School: Tune ev'ry heart, wake ev'ry tongue, To swell another hymn of praise; Yet 'mid the harping of the skies, The Lord of Heav'n delights to hear. Bring then, our grateful numbers bring, "O holy, holy, holy, Lord; "Be thou eternally ador'd." Lord! let thy mighty Spirit stir In ev'ry breast enshrine thy love: NATIONAL EDUCATION. THE highly important subject of Education has lately engrossed so much of the attention of the public that we make no ceremony in introducing to our readers the following extracts from the sound and masterly speech of the Lord Bishop of Exeter in the House of Lords, on Friday, the 5th of July : "My Lords;-In presuming to follow the noble marquis (of Lansdowne,) whose able speech your lordships have just heard-a speech of which I have no hesitation in saying, that it was by far the best defence I have heard or read of the system of Education, if system it could be called, which had been adopted by the government. I shall first address myself to the questions which the noble marquis has put to the bench on which I have the honour to sit. The first question put to us by the noble marquis, is this-' Do we think that the Church has a right to the Education of the people at large, including that portion of the people, millions in number, who do not belong to the Church? "In proposing this question, the noble marquis proposed what at first sight appeared, and what doubtless was intended to be, a perfectly clear and unequivocal demand. The terms, however, in which it is conveyed, do really raise in my mind no small doubt and difficulty in attempting accurately to apprehend their meaning. Therefore, my lords, before I answer the noble marquis's question, I must first ask for some information as to the exact import of the question itself. Does the noble marquis inquire of us, whether we claim for the Church a right to enforce on the people at large any system of Education whatever? If this be the meaning of the question, it admits of a very easy and simple answer. Most certainly not. The Church has no right to claim the enforcement of any system of Education on the people, or any part of the people, least of all on that part which does not belong to the Church. But, my lords, the Church has a right to demand of the stateand if the state, as well as the Church, is prepared to do its duty, that demand will be answered-the Church, I say, has a right to demand of the state the means of offering Education to all, whether they are members of the Church or not. "The next question which the noble marquis has proposed to our bench, is, Whether the claim of the Church of England extends, not only to the religious, but also to the secular Education of the people?' My lords, my answer to that inquiry is, that the Church does not claim any right to direct the secular instruction of the country, in so far as it is secular: but it has a right to demand from the state the means of sanctifying and purifying secular instruction, by combining it with religious teaching. My lords, I here depart from the noble marquis's word, Education,' secular Education,' and I substitute the word instruction, secular instruction. I do this advisedly; because I hold, that there is no such thing, there can be no such thing, among those who acknowledge any religion to be true-as secular, merely secular Education. For, my lords, Education implies the entire training of the moral agent, which cannot be without religion. I repeat, therefore, that the Church has a right to demand, and I hope that in this country it will never cease to urge the demand, that the state supply it with the means of offering to inculcate on all the knowledge of those blessed truths, which alone can fit an immortal being for his high destiny,—alone can give value to any acquirements of secular knowledge, by subordinating them to objects of everlasting interest. "My lords, speaking, as we now are, mainly of the Education of the poorer classes of our fellow subjects, I must say, that I see little need of any course of secular instruction separate from religion. Let me not be misunderstood. I do not ask-God forbid that I ever should-that the poor man be not permitted-permitted, said I?-rather be he invited, encouraged, cheered, assisted, in the noble attempt to make the utmost acquirements in knowledge of every kind, which it shall please God to enable him to make. There have been, we know, and there are, many illustrious instances of the success with which science has been prosecuted, under the most disheartening and chilling influence of poverty and destitution. But, looking to the poor as a class, we cannot expect that they, who are consigned by Providence to the laborious occupations of life, shall be able largely to cultivate their intellect. Besides, let us not forget, that we are not now talking of adults, but of children. And, surely, if the poor child be taught to concentrate his views on one great subject to make the Bible the corner-stone of whatever learning he can acquire if he learn history, in order to illustrate the Bible-if he cultivate the various sciences, to the extent to which acquaintance with them is ordinarily carried, or can be hoped to be carried, by persons of that classif, I say, he be taught all that he is capable of learning, for the one great and express purpose of illustrating the Bible, I, my lord, have no doubt that he will be likely to attain a larger amount of secular knowledge, than if, at that age, and under the difficulties which are inseparable from poverty, he be cast upon the wide circle of science, without any fixed, hallowed, sacred object, on which he may concentrate all his views. In one word, my lords, by making the Bible the foundation of all, by applying all his knowledge to illustrate that one blessed book, the poor man's child will learn more of science itself, than if he be trained in schools where science of every description, and nothing but science, is taught. "A third question has been put by the noble marquis, to which I frankly own, my lords, I find it more difficult to give an answer, than to either of those which have preceded. The question is this: Whether it is lawful for the state to assist in giving Education to those who do not belong to the Church?' The main difficulty which I find in answering this question, is caused by a previous difficulty in understanding the precise meaning of the question itself. Does the noble marquis intend to propose merely the general question, whether the state has a right to give its aid, generally, in the Education of those who do not belong to that Church, which the state itself acknowledges as the depository and the teacher of true religion?-or does he mean something more particular? Does he mean to ask, whether the state may assist in giving religious instruction, contrary to what it believes, and professes to believe, to be the truth? In other words, may it lawfully assist in teaching and inculcating erroneous and false notions, on those subjects in which truth is most essential, and falsehood most destructive, to the highest interests of men?—I hope the noble marquis will favour me with an explanation for I cannot answer his question, until I know in what sense he himself intends it to be understood. The Marquis of Lansdowne said, his question was, whether it was fit for the state, under particular circumstances, to provide in the most effectual manner for the better and improved Education of the people not belonging to the Church. And The Bishop of Exeter.-"O, then, I understand, it is a question about assisting, under certain circumstances, in the Education, generally, of persons who do not belong to the Church which is recognised by the state. to the question so put, I answer most readily, that I think the state may lawfully assist in giving to such persons Education generally. But if I am asked, whether the state may give them its assistance specially, in the way of teaching any religion, or doctrine of religion, which the state believes to be false, then I answer, without hesitation, qualification, or reserve, that the state would depart from its first duty, if it dared to do so." The Marquis of Lansdowne." I said the state should provide for the Education of those who dissent from the Church; I did not say for their spiritual and religious instruction, but for their secular." The Bishop of Exeter." I rejoice to hear this. I rejoice to have given the noble marquis an opportunity of making this important explanation-the more important, because it is explanation. My lords, the noble marquis disclaims the pernicious principle, that the state may lawfully assist in teaching religious, doctrines, which it believes to be false. (The Marquis of Lansdowne. In England.) Well, in England be it; I thank the noble marquis for acknowledging so much, even if he confines it to England; though if the principle be just in England, it can hardly be unjust by crossing the water. To maintain the contrary, would be a more extraordinary way of doing justice to Ireland, than I believe has ever yet been suggested. I am glad, however, to find, that, on inquiry, the sentiments of the noble marquis so far approximate to my own; and that as far as England is concerned, we on this point quite agree. My lords, this is no trifle the noble marquis, the president of her Majesty's Privy Council, the first of the four members of that council, who are appointed to dispense the public monies granted for Education, he has now told us (and we cannot but rejoice to have his high authority for the admission), that the state may not lawfully assist in teaching a false religion. state. "But the noble marquis, in speaking of the difficulties which surround the question before us, has asked, whether the Education of the poorer classes in England is in a satisfactory state? God knows it is in a very unsatisfactory I lament with the noble marquis-who, with the feelings of man, can fail to lament?—the condition of those myriads of our fellow subjects, fellow Christians, fellow heirs of immortality, which has been so eloquently, and, I grieve to add, so truly depicted by the noble marquis. The noble marquis has called on us to remember, that not fewer than 80,000 poor children in Manchester, and the immediate neighbourhood of that town, are now immersed in the lowest abyss of ignorance and vice; he has told us, truly, justly told us, (I thank him for the warning,) that if we leave them in that condition, we may indeed deal out the penalties of the law upon their crimes, but the guilt of those crimes will rest on other heads than theirs. My lords, here again I rejoice to agree with the noble marquis. But, then, I must carry the principle a little further-I must, too, look further back, before I venture to pronounce on the causes, and the guilt, of this most awful state of things. My lords, I ask your lordships, I ask the noble marquis, agreeing with him, as I most cordially do, in contending that it is the bounden duty of the state to rescue those myriads of our wretched countrymen from the tremendous position in which they have hitherto been left-I ask both him, and you, whose fault is it, that they have thus been left? whose fault is it, that they were ever brought into a condition so ruinous to themselves, so |