departments. Franklin to plan and negotiate, and the honest, judicious, and provident Robert Morris to supply and direct our finances, were no less essential to our final triumph, than the prowess of Washington himself.

And in following our author through the subsequent part of his work, we are altogether more deeply impressed with the manifold and extreme difficulties to be encountered in adjusting and establishing on a permanent basis, the glorious republic under which we are now so peaceful and prosperous. 'Such a work it was to found the American nation.' After the tempest of war had subsided, the billows of the agitated ocean, like what often occurs in nature, seemed even more perilous to the ship than the raging of the storm. If any one wishes to give thanks to God with the understanding as well as the heart, for our final safety, let him attentively peruse this work. Indeed, we see not how any one can think himself master of his country's history till he has acquired the information here embodied.

This view, however, of the difficulties we had to encounter subsequent to the war, we are compelled to confess, does but diminish the pleasant anticipations we so love to indulge for our young sister republics of the south, where we fear the requisite degree of intelligence and virtue is not to be found. But as they enjoy the benefit of our example and experience, we may still cherish hope of them; particularly as we believe they are free from some of the evils that fiercely assailed usthose, for instance that sprung from our ruined paper currency.

In the midst of these troubles, and while our constitution was in debate before the convention, Dr. Franklin introduced the following motion accompanied with the remarks. It gives us pleasure to quote them, on more grounds than one, as coming from such a man.

While the important question of the representation of the states in the senate was the subject of debate, and the states were almost equally divided upon it, Dr. Franklin moved that prayers should be attended in the convention every morning, and in support of his motion, thus addressed the president.

"Mr. President-The small progress we have made after four or five weeks close attendance and continual reasonings with each other, our dif ferent sentiments on almost every question, several of the last producing as many noes as ayes, is, methinks, a melancholy proof of the imperfection of the human understanding. We indeed seem to feel our own want of political wisdom, since we have been running all about in search of it. We have gone back to ancient history for models of government, and examined the different forms of those republics, which, having been originally formed with the seeds of their own dissolution, now no longer exist; and we have viewed modern states all round Europe, but find none of their constitutions

suitable to our circumstances. In this situation of this assembly, groping as it were, in the dark, to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, how has it happened, sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Lights to illuminate our understandings?-In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the divine protection! Our prayers, sir, were heard; and they were graciously answered. All of us, who were engaged in the struggle, must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportunity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful friend?-or do we imagine we no longer need its assistance? I have lived, sir, a long time; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs in the affairs of men! And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without his aid?-We have been assured, sir, in the sacred writings, that except the Lord build the house, they labor in vain that build it.' I firmly believe this; and I also believe, that without his concurring aid, we shall succeed in this political building no better than the builders of Babel: we shall be divided by our little partial local interests, our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and a by-word down to future ages. And what is worse, mankind may hereafter, from this unfortunate instance, despair of establishing governments by human wisdom, and leave it to chance, war, and conquest.

I therefore beg leave to move, that henceforth, prayers, imploring the assistance of heaven, and its blessings on our deliberations, be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business; and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in that service." Vol. II. p. 246.

O, how happy will it be for our nation, and for our world, when every legislator shall not only acknowledge the importance of prayer; but shall himself offer up the humble and fervent aspirations of faith.

To this from Franklin, we subjoin the following from Washington in his farewell address to the people of the United States of America.

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity," he observed," religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them-a volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligations desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? and let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. pp. 499, 500.

This hearty commendation of religion and morality as in

dispensable to national prosperity,' comes with a good grace and admirable effect from such a president as Washington. In connexion with his consistent life and exalted standing, it has already done immense good, and will continue to do good to the end of time.

How happy for us, had all our succeeding presidents, by word and deed, contributed in an equal degree, to swell this tide of moral and saving influence. With what increased lustre would their names have gone down to that coming era when moral worth, in high stations as well as low, shall be regarded as infinitely superior to martial greatness, political wisdom, (falsely so called,) or diplomatic skill. At this moment, we are specially afflicted with the thought that our present chief magistrate has not reserved it in his power to adopt, with consistency and effect, the above sentiments of the good Washington on the solemn occasion of retiring from the high responsibilities of office. But this cannot be done by one who is universally known to have recently violated the sanctity of the Sabbath in the most public manner;-and that too, (we speak from the best authority when we say it,) in a case for which he had no reason which he saw fit to assign to assauge the grief of a friendly religious community, though earnestly pressed to do it in either a public or private manner. It is with a strong emotion of sorrow, that we feel compelled to bear our decided testimony against this high disregard of religion, morality, human law, and the most sacred feelings of his best friends. In a private individual the offence might be suffered to pass in silent regret. And while a party motive could be imputed, we have kept silence. But now, in a country where public opinion is every thing, and where the most fatal consequences must result if the laws are to be trampled on by those who are elevated to make and to guard them, it becomes the moral obligation of every one to speak most freely. The offence is pernicious just in proportion to the elevation of the offender; and just in that proportion it becomes our duty, by way simply of antidote, to speak out against it. Voltaire himself, that arch corrupter of kings and kingdoms, has emphatically said, in his Charles XII., "every people insensibly adopts the disposition of its king." If the like may be said of a free people, it becomes them in time to know the things that belong to our peace, and as Christian patriots to speak of the open delinquences of those who misuse the moral influence of high stations, in language as decided as it should be decorous. And in the midst of our grief, it is no small consolation to believe that the community are prepared to speak what they appear extensively to feel on this important subject. If not, why do

we see the good people of New England, so generally the political friends of Mr. Adams, and after so warmly contested an election, at this moment gazing with dead indifference, (so far as he is concerned,) on his retirement from office? While other causes have concurred, both remote and recent, we are confident that this has its large share in producing the present unexampled apathy.

We hope the time is not far distant when competitors for of fice will find it requisite to pay a decent respect to morality, especially to that great pillar of national morality, the Christian Sabbath. This is a simple, definite thing. It can be easily known of a candidate for office, whether he is a Sabbath breaker or not; and we have reasons for believing that this will be more a matter of inquiry than it has hitherto been. Perhaps the recent occurrence will hasten the desired period. To this end, it becomes every good man not to remain silent, but to do what he can to bring good out of evil.

In closing, we would add a remark on Mr. Pitkin's style. While it is destitute of the charms of Walter Scott, it is a most lucid, business like, truth-telling style ;-and this is far better praise for a historian than can be awarded to the farfamed baronet.

The work contains an appendix of state papers, &c. which we should advise the inquisitive to turn to at once as the references occur, instead of perusing the abstracts in the text. The incidental information they often afford, and which it was not to the purpose of the author to incorporate in his work, is often the most valuable to that class of readers who wish to see with their own eyes the very personages of history, and know of what materials wise men and fools-honest men and villains, are made.

ART. V.-EXERCITATION ON THE SECOND PSALM.

AUTHOR. Although this Psalm, like many others in the collection, appears without title, preface, or signature ascertaining the true author, yet the deficiency is elsewhere supplied by the Spirit of inspiration himself, who informs us, (Acts iv. 25.) that "God by the mouth of his servant David said, Why do the heathen rage and the people imagine vain things?" Nothing more is necessary to establish its claim to a place among the inspired songs of the sweet Psalmist of Israel;" and probably most of the anonymous Psalms are to be ascribed to the same source.

.6

OCCASION.-It has been supposed by commentators that the following passage in the history of David, (2 Sam. v. 17, 18.) po-nts out the occasion on which the Psalm was penned : "But when the Philistines heard that they had anointed David king over Israel, all the Philistines came up to seek David; and David heard of it and went down to the hold. The Philistines also came and spread themselves in the valley of Rephaim." This conjecture is perhaps as probable as any other relative to this matter, but we are very little solicitous to determine the point, as the Psalm is so evidently throughout prophetical of Christ," a good matter indited touching the king," that it matters not, we conceive, whether we are able to connect the composition with a particular period in David's history or not. SCOPE AND STRUCTURE.-The slightest survey of the general cast of the Psalm will convince the reader that the attributes of the subject entirely transcend the dignity of any human personage, and that the machinery, if the term does not desecrate the theme, is wholly disproportionate to any regal transaction among men; indeed to any thing short of the investiture of the King of Zion himself with the majesty of the Mediator's throne. Every sentence points, as with a line of light, to Christ, and his kingdom. The language and imagery here employed find nothing commensurate in the character or history of David. If to none of the angels God "hath at any time said, Thou art my Son, this day have I begotten the." surely we cannot think that this august title was ever conferred upon David. Moreover, we no where read that so extensive a dominion, or such a species of government (ver. 9.) was ever promised him. And finally, men could never be commanded to put their trust, which is an act of worship, in a mere mortal, as they are required to do (ver. 12.) in the King, "set upon the holy hill of Zion." For David himself, writing under divine guidance, gives us a solemn caveat against "putting our trust in princes, or in the son of man in whom is no help." And a greater than David has said, "cursed be the man that trusteth in man, and maketh flesh his arm." These remarks we presume are sufficient to fix the grand scope of the Psalm, and to bring the reader to our own conclusion, viz. that the whole piece is to be directly, primarily, and exclusively referred to Jesus Christ, and the things of his kingdom.-In this interpretation, the learned tell us that the earlier Jewish expositors, with the Talmudists, uniformly concur. If this then be the real drift and burden of this inspired composition, it will be proper for the pious reader, instead of imagining himself to be carried back to some remote period in eternity when this language was uttered by the Father to the